Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 September 2012
The end of internal slavery in West Africa is generally associated with an increase in labour mobility. This article complicates this picture by showing that the effects of status – the rank effect – on people's ability to migrate often outlasted emancipation. In Sabi, a Soninke village in Upper River Gambia, economic migration intensified and globalised from the 1950s onwards. Although they have since been free to move, the descendants of slaves have migrated less than those of the freeborn. The article attributes this relative immobility to the enduring dynamics of socioeconomic marginalisation based on slave descent.
This article is to a significant extent the result of a collaborative project begun at a workshop on migration and post-slavery in West Africa organised by Benedetta Rossi at the University of Liverpool in 2010. Dr. Rossi offered extensive commentary on previous versions of this article. Valuable comments were also provided by Alice Bellagamba, Laura Menin, Aïssatou Mbodj, Lotte Pelckmans, and three anonymous reviewers of this journal. Research for this article was generously funded by: University of Milano Bicocca with Unicredit Foundation, Italy's Ministry of Foreign Affairs via Missione Etnologica in Benin e Africa Occidentale (MEBAO), and Germany's Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF).
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32 Komo households were almost all located in komonkanu (slave quarters), while larger and wealthier komo households are often in other parts of the village.
33 Figures exclude men who have formed independent households in the Gambian capital, and seasonal rural-urban migrants, but include people having a permanent activity in the city.
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44 Interview with K. Silla, Sabi, 16 and 17 Jan. 2008.
46 Interview with M. D., Sabi, 2 Feb. 2008. During the 1960s in Jafunu (Mali), some male descendants of slaves lived and worked in their masters’ compound until they married, like other juniors. Then they continued to work on Saturday and Sunday mornings or remitted a small portion of their harvest. Pollet and Winter, La Société, 257.
47 Interview with Bafula Kamara, Sabi, 15 Dec. 2007.
48 The peak during the First World War was partly due to French subjects crossing the border to avoid conscription. GNA CSO 18/1, ‘The records of Fuludu East District of the Upper River Province together with a short history’, 1933; CSO 2/1903, Report on MacCarthy and Upper River Provinces for the year 1940, 1940; ARP 31/8, Annual Reports of the Upper River, 1934–6 and 1943–5. See also: Swindell and Jeng, Migrants, 169–73 and fig. 5.6.
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57 Interview with K. Silla.
58 In contrast, see Bellagamba, ‘Slavery’, 27–8.
59 Author's Fieldnotes, 20–3 Nov. 2007 and 1–6 Jan. 2008.
60 I thank Alice Bellagamba for pointing out to me that some immigrants might have been expelled from their communities.
61 Rodet, Les Migrantes, 102–20.
62 In this and the following case study, pseudonyms are used to protect the identities of the informants. The story of the Samagare family is based on interviews and informal conversations with its members and with other villagers (in particular: M. Y., Sabi, 31 Jan. and 1 Feb. 2008; M., Sabi, Dec. 2007).
63 Cattle had begun replacing slaves as a form of capital. See Swindell and Jeng, Migrants, 123.
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65 Tamba is not in Commissioner Jeffs's 1933 list of prominent figures of the Fuladu East district. GNA CSO 18/1, ‘The records of Fuludu East District of the Upper River Province together with a short history’, 1933, 24–7.
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67 M. Mbodji, ‘D'une frontière a l'autre, ou l'histoire de la marginalisation des commerçants senegambiens sur la longue durée: la Gambie de 1816 à 1979’, in P. Kipré, L. Harding and B. Barry (eds.), Commerce et Commerçants en Afrique de l'Ouest (Paris, 1992), 233–4.
68 The term ‘kunda’ is a local suffix meaning ‘household of’.
69 The account is primarily based on interviews (esp. with M., Sabi, 2 Mar. 2007 and 6 Jan. 2008) and informal conversations (2007–8) with the Singate.
70 Interview with S. S., Sabi, Dec. 2007; see also Bellagamba, ‘Slavery’, 25.
71 The problem of indebtedness and deficient food production recurs in almost all colonial reports on the agricultural situation in the Upper River Division. Swindell and Jeng have detailed how the persistence of such concerns among the colonial officials led to a stepping up of public investment in the agricultural sector. Swindell and Jeng, Migrants.
72 In 1932, a 25 per cent increase in the Yard Tax probably accelerated the exit of permanent guests and slaves from their masters’ compounds.
73 Some of the wealthy komo did manumit their children and their sons’ wives by paying their former masters; the manumitted women would beget children who owed no rent in labour to their master. This does not mean that they could marry a ‘freeborn’.
74 Interview with Y. K., Sabi, 16 Dec. 2007.
75 In a 1949 survey of Genieri, a Mandinka village in the Middle River valley, Margaret Haswell found that ‘compounds of peoples of slave origin “owned” by particular freeborn groups were much smaller numerically [than freeborn ones].’ Haswell, M. R., The Nature of Poverty: A Case-History of the First Quarter-Century after World War II (London, 1975), 31–2Google Scholar.
76 Figures are based on a census carried out by Youth With A Mission (YWAM). See YWAM, Sabi Monographic Study (unpublished manuscript, Sabi, 2006). According to my survey, kome households have an average of 28 people, while the hoore ones have 36 (about 21 per cent more populous on average).
77 Interview with Kau Kaba, Sabi, 14 Dec. 2006; see also Manchuelle, Willing Migrants, 28.
78 Interview with M. D., Sabi, 7 Feb. 2007.
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