¹ Ralph of Diss, Opera historica, ed. William Stubbs (2 vols, London, 1876), ii, 65. Dauvit Broun has now put the identification of ‘Diceto’ with Diss beyond doubt, Dauvit Broun, ‘Britain and the beginnings of Scotland’ in Journal of the British Academy, iii (2015), p. 117n.

² For the idea of empire in Henry’s lands see, Fanny Madeline, ‘The idea of “empire” as hegemonic power under the Norman and Plantagenet kings (1066–1204)’ in Anglo-Norman Studies, xl (forthcoming).

³ Gerald of Wales, Opera, eds J. S. Brewer, J. F. Dimock and G. F. Warner (8 vols, London, 1861–91), v, 189.

⁴ Wace, The history of the Norman people: Wace’s roman de Rou, eds G. S. Burgess and Elizabeth van Houts (Woodbridge, 2004), p. 3, lines 35–6.

⁵ Frame, Robin, The political development of the British Isles, 1100–1400 (Oxford, 1990), p. 37 Google Scholar.

⁶ For instance, see W. L. Warren, Henry II (2^nd ed., New Haven, CT, 2000), pp 114–15; Martin, F. X., ‘Diarmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’ in Art Cosgrove (ed.), A new history of Ireland, ii: Medieval Ireland, 1169–1534 (Oxford, 1987), pp 64–66 Google Scholar; F. X. Martin, ‘Allies and an overlord, 1169–72’ in ibid., pp 67–97; Flanagan, M. T., Irish society, Anglo-Norman settlers, Angevin kingship: interactions in Ireland in the late twelfth century (Oxford, 1989), pp 56–228 Google Scholar; Frame, Robin, Colonial Ireland, 1169–1369 (2^nd ed., Dublin, 2012), pp 8–23 Google Scholar; Carpenter, David, The struggle for mastery: Britain, 1066–1284 (London, 2003), pp 216–219 Google Scholar.

⁷ Vincent, Nicholas, ‘Angevin Ireland’ in Brendan Smith (ed.), The Cambridge history of Ireland, i: 600–1550 (Cambridge, 2018), p. 213 Google Scholar. My thanks to Professor Vincent for allowing me to see a pre-publication copy of his chapter.

⁸ Howe, Stephen, Empire: a very short introduction (Oxford, 2002), p. 123 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Münkler, Herfried, Empires: the logic of world domination from ancient Rome to the United States (Cambridge, 2007), p. 8 Google Scholar.

⁹ As profiled in Moore, R. I., The formation of a persecuting society (2nd ed., London, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ William of Newburgh, ‘Historia rerum Anglicarum’ in Richard Howlett (ed.), Chronicles of the reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I (4 vols, London, 1884–9), i, 168.

¹¹ For the Angevins’ use of court intellectuals to promote their ‘empire’ see Aurell, Martin, L’Empire des Plantagenêt, 1154–1224 (Paris, 2003), pp 95–177 Google Scholar (English translation: The Plantagenet Empire, 1154–1224, trans. David Crouch (Harlow, 2007), pp 83–162).

¹² Ralph of Diss, Opera historica, i, 350–51.

¹³ In addition to the infamous descriptions of ‘tribal anarchy’ by Orpen and Round (G. H. Orpen, Ireland under the Normans (4 vols, Oxford, 1912–20), i, 19–38; J. H. Round, ‘The conquest of Ireland’ in idem, The commune of London and other studies (London, 1899), pp 169–70), Geoffrey Barrow saw in pre-conquest Ireland ‘a warrior aristocracy not far removed from the later Iron Age in its culture and outlook ... [who] were too ready to indulge in inter-tribal warfare and competition for cattle, slaves, land and prestige’ (G. W. S. Barrow, ‘Scotland, Wales and Ireland in the twelfth century’ in David Luscombe and Jonathan Riley-Smith (eds), The new Cambridge medieval history, iv: c.1024–c.1198, part 2 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 602).

¹⁴ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, eds A. B. Scott and F. X. Martin (Dublin, 1978), p. 261. Translated in Veach, Colin, ‘The Geraldines and the conquest of Ireland’ in Seán Duffy and Peter Crooks (eds), The Geraldines and medieval Ireland: the making of a myth (Dublin, 2016), pp 69–92 Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Aurell, L’Empire des Plantagenêt, p. 95 (‘[The court intellectuals] created propaganda in their master’s service.’ (Aurell, The Plantagenet Empire, p. 83).)

¹⁶ For a good overview, see the collected essays in Stafford, Paulina (ed.), A companion to the early middle ages: Britain and Ireland, c.500–c.1000 (Chichester, 2009)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Bede, Ecclesiastical history of the English people, eds Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969), p. 426 (iv.26/24). The Northumbrians devastated Brega, in modern County Meath. See: T. E. Charles-Edwards (ed.), The chronicle of Ireland (2 vols, Liverpool, 2006), i, 164, s.a. 684; W. M. Hennessy and Bartholomew MacCarthy (eds), Annála Uladh. Annals of Ulster, otherwise Annála Senait, Annals of Senat: a chronicle of Irish affairs, 431–1131, 1155–1541 (4 vols, Dublin, 1887–1901) (hereafter A.U.), i, 134, s.a. 684; Whitley Stokes (ed.), Annals of Tigernach (2 vols, Llanerch, 1993), ii, 208, s.a. 684; W. M. Hennessy (ed.), Chronicum Scotorum (London, 1866), p. 106, s.a. 681 [recte 684].

¹⁸ Byrne, F. J., ‘Ireland and her neighbours, c.1014–c.1072’ in Dáibhí Ó Cróinín (ed.), A new history of Ireland, i: Prehistoric and early Ireland (Oxford, 2005), p. 889 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Benjamin Hudson, ‘William the Conqueror and Ireland’ in I.H.S., xxix, no. 114 (Nov. 1994), pp 145–6.

²⁰ Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí, Early medieval Ireland (Harlow, 1995), p. 277 Google Scholar; Benjamin Hudson, ‘Diarmait mac Máel na mBó (d. 1072)’, in Oxford D.N.B.

²¹ Anglo Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1087 (http://avalon.law.yale.edu/medieval/ang11.asp) (2 Dec. 2017).

²² Gerald of Wales, Opera, vi, 109. This consciously evoked the Persian king, Xerxes the Great’s pontoon bridge across the Hellespont in 480 B.C. See: Herodotus, The histories, trans. Tom Holland (London, 2013), pp 462–3 (7:33–6).

²³ Victoria Chandler, ‘The last of the Montgomerys: Roger the Poitevin and Arnulf’ in Historical Research, lxii, no. 147 (Feb. 1989), pp 10–13; Candon, Anthony, ‘Muirchertach Ua Briain, politics, and naval activities in the Irish Sea, 1075 to 1119’ in Gearóid Mac Niocaill and P. F. Wallace (eds), Keimelia: studies in medieval archaeology and history in memory of Tom Delaney (Galway, 1988), pp 397–415 Google Scholar.

²⁴ Martin, ‘Diarmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, pp 61–2; Flanagan, Irish society, pp 74–6. As duke of Normandy, c.1150, Henry also confirmed Rouen’s monopoly over trade between Ireland and Normandy. See: H. W. C. Davis et al. (eds), Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum (4 vols, Oxford, 1913–69), iii, no. 729.

²⁵ A.U., ii, 148, s.a. 1165.

²⁶ Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, i, 81.

²⁷ André Salmon (ed.), Recueil des choniques de Touraine (Tours, 1854), p. 135.

²⁸ Warren, Henry II, pp 64–6.

²⁹ For the relationship see, Everard, J. A., Brittany and the Angevins: province and empire, 1158–1203 (Cambridge, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Robert de Torigny, ‘Chronica’ in Howlett (ed.), Chronicles iv, 186. Warren doubts Robert’s testimony, since he was ‘not the most reliable witness to events outside northern France’ (Warren, Henry II, p. 195). However, in 1155 Robert had only recently secured his position as abbot of Le Mont-Saint-Michel through Henry’s patronage as duke of Normandy, and knew the Empress Matilda personally (Chronique de Robert de Torigni: Abbé du Mont-Saint-Michel, ed. L. Delisle (2 vols, Rouen, 1872–3), ii, pp ii–iv).

³¹ Léopold Delisle and Élie Berger (eds), Recueil des actes de Henri II, roi d’Angleterre et duc de Normandie, concernant les provinces françaises et les affaires de France (4 vols, Paris, 1906–27), i, 97–8.

³² For instance, Warren, Henry II, p. 195.

³³ Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronicon, ed. L. C. Bethmann (Hannover, 1844), p. 403. Henry did not, in fact, lead an army against King Louis VII until 1161, but the chronicler may have been referring to the army Henry took to Anjou in order to put down his brother Geoffrey’s rebellion there (mentioned above). See: Warren, Henry II, pp 64–5; Anne Duggan, ‘The making of a myth: Giraldus Cambrensis, Laudabiliter, and Henry II’s lordship of Ireland’ in Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 3^rd ser., vi (2007), p. 131.

³⁴ H. T. Riley (ed.), Gesta abbatum monasterii Sancti Albani (3 vols, London, 1867-8), i, 125–9.

³⁵ Iohannis Saresberiensis Metalogicon, ed. J. B. Hall and K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis, 98, Turnholt, 1991), p. 183 (iv, 42).

³⁶ Duggan, ‘The making of a myth’, p. 109.

³⁷ Duffy, Seán, ‘Henry II and England’s insular neighbours’ in Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (eds), Henry II: new interpretations (Woodbridge, 2007), pp 129–132 Google Scholar.

³⁸ Martindale, Jane, ‘An unfinished business: Angevin politics and the siege of Toulouse’ in Anglo–Norman Studies, xxiii (2001), pp 115–154 Google Scholar.

³⁹ Davies, R. R., The first English empire: power and identities in the British Isles, 1093–1343 (Oxford, 2000), pp 31–53 Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Geoffrey of Monmouth, The history of the kings of Britain, ed. M. D. Reeve, trans. Neil Wright (Woodbridge, 2007), pp 204, 210, 220.

⁴¹ Wace, Roman de Brut. A history of the British: text and translation, ed. Judith Weiss (2^nd ed, Liverpool, 2005), pp 238, 242, 292, lines 9455–9464, 9659–9704, 11609–11610. For literary culture at Henry’s court see, Ian Short, ‘Literary culture and the court of Henry II’ in Harper-Bill and Vincent (eds), Henry II: new interpretations, pp 335–61. For Henry and the Arthurian legend see, Martin Aurell, ‘Henry II and the Arthurian legend’ in ibid., pp 362–94.

⁴² Aurell, ‘Henry II and the Arthurian legend’, esp. pp 388–9.

⁴³ For a useful discussion of Bernard’s life in the context of twelfth-century views of the Irish, see Scully, Diarmuid, ‘The portrayal of Ireland and the Irish in Bernard’s Life of Malachy’ in Damian Bracken and Dagmar Ó Riain-Raedel (eds), Ireland and Europe in the twelfth century: reform and renewal (Dublin, 2006), pp 239–256 Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Vita Sancti Malachiae’, ed. Aubrey Gwynn in Sancti Bernardi opera, ed. Jean Leclerq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochet (8 vols in 9, Rome, 1957–77), iii, 325 (C. 16).

⁴⁵ Flanagan, Irish society, pp 7–55. In this she was following, but expanding upon, Warren, Henry II, pp 195–8 and Martin, ‘Diarmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, pp 56–60. For the critical edition of Laudabiliter, see M. P. Sheehy (ed.), Pontificia Hibernica: medieval papal chancery documents concerning Ireland, 640–1261 (2 vols, Dublin, 1962–5), i, 15–16, no. 4. For the medieval importance of Laudabiliter, see J. A. Watt, ‘Laudabiliter in medieval diplomacy and propaganda’ in Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 5^th ser., lxxxvii (June 1957), pp 420–32.

⁴⁶ For the process of reform in twelfth-century Ireland, see Flanagan, M. T., The transformation of the Irish Church in the twelfth century (Woodbridge, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Duggan, ‘The making of a myth’, pp 249–312; eadem, ‘The power of documents: the curious case of Laudabiliter’ in Brenda Bolton and Christine Meek (eds), Aspects of power and authority in the middle ages (Turnhout, 2007), pp 251–75; Duffy, ‘Henry II and England’s insular neighbours’, pp 132–4.

⁴⁸ Flanagan, Irish society, p. 305.

⁴⁹ Duffy, ‘Henry II and England’s insular neighbours’, p. 133.

⁵⁰ Duggan, ‘The making of a myth’, pp 249–312; eadem, ‘The power of documents’, pp 251–75. See also Haren, Michael, ‘ Laudabiliter: text and context’ in M. T. Flanagan and Judith Green (eds), Charters and charter scholarship in Britain and Ireland (Basingstoke, 2005), pp 140–163 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, pp 144–6.

⁵² Duggan, ‘Making of a myth’, pp 143–55.

⁵³ Duggan, ‘The power of documents’, p. 266.

⁵⁴ Ibid., pp 273–4.

⁵⁵ Ibid., pp 274–5.

⁵⁶ The historical works of Gervase of Canterbury, ed. William Stubbs (2 vols, London, 1879–80), i, 235. Gervase’s source (whom he references for this information) seems to have been Strongbow’s lieutenant and negotiator with Henry II, Hervey de Montmorency, who had retired to become a monk at Canterbury by the time that Gervase wrote his history in about 1188. See: Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, p. 188; J. T. Gilbert (ed.), Chartularies of St Mary’s Abbey, Dublin, with the register of its house at Dunbrody, and annals of Ireland. (2 vols, London, 1884), ii, 304–5, s.a. 1179; Flanagan, Irish society, p. 170.

⁵⁷ Warren, Henry II, pp 508–11.

⁵⁸ Vincent, Nicholas, ‘The charters of King Henry II: the royal inspeximus revisited’ in M. Gervers (ed.). Dating undated medieval charters (Woodbridge, 2000), pp 110–112 Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, pp 98–9. For the council of Cashel, see Flanagan, M. T., ‘Henry II, the council of Cashel and the Irish bishops’ in Peritia, x (1996), pp 184–211 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁰ Roger of Howden, who was with Henry in Ireland, merely writes that Henry and the Irish bishops were responsible for the council (Roger of Howden, Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, ed. William Stubbs (2 vols, London, 1867) i, 28; Roger of Howden, Chronica, ed. William Stubbs (4 vols, London, 1868–71), ii, 31). For Roger of Howden’s presence in Ireland, see Gillingham, John, ‘The travels of Roger of Howden and his views of the Irish, Scots and Welsh’ in Anglo-Norman Studies, xx (1997), pp 84–86 Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Sheehy (ed.), Pontificia Hibernica, i, 21, no. 6.

⁶² Duggan, Anne, ‘Henry II, the English church and the papacy, 1154–76’ in Harper-Bill and Vincent (eds), Henry II: New interpretations, pp 154–183 Google Scholar, esp p. 171.

⁶³ Celebri fama (Henry), Quantis vitiorum (Irish prelates), and Ubi communi (Irish kings and princes) (Sheehy (ed.), Pontificia Hibernica, i, 19–23, nos 5–7; translation in Edmund Curtis and R. B. McDowell (eds), Irish historical documents, 1172–1922 (London, 1943), pp 19–22, no. 3).

⁶⁴ Sheehy (ed.), Pontificia Hibernica, i, 21–2, no. 6; translation in Curtis & McDowell (eds), Irish historical documents, pp 20–21, no. 3 (letter 2).

⁶⁵ Sheehy (ed.), Pontificia Hibernica, i, 21–2, no. 5; translation in Curtis & McDowell (eds), Irish historical documents p. 20, no. 3 (letter 1).

⁶⁶ As advocated by Gratian, Decretum, ed. E. A. Friedberg, Corpus Iuris Canonici (2 vols, Leipzig, 1879), i, 7–9 (D.5), 12–16 (D.8); Van Engen, John, ‘The twelfth century: reading, reason, and revolt in a world of custom’ in T. F. X. Noble and John Van Engen (eds), European transformations: the long twelfth century (Notre Dame, 2012), p. 27 Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Gillingham, John, ‘Foundations of a disunited kingdom’ in idem (ed.), The English in the twelfth century (Woodbridge, 2000), p. 105 Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Scully, ‘The portrayal of Ireland in Bernard of Clairvaux’s Life of Malachy’, pp 242–5.

⁶⁹ Cain, J. D., ‘Unnatural history: gender and genealogy in Gerald of Wales’s Topographia Hibernica ’ in Essays in Medieval Studies, xix (2002), pp 29–43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vincent, Nicholas, ‘The strange case of the missing biographies: the lives of the Plantagenet kings of England, 1154–1272’ in David Bates (ed.), Writing medieval biography, 750–1250: essays in honour of Frank Barlow (Woodbridge, 2012), pp 237–258 Google Scholar; Vincent, ‘Angevin Ireland’, pp 209–10.

⁷⁰ Bartlett, Robert, Gerald of Wales, 1146–1223 (Oxford, 1982), pp 131–177 Google Scholar; Claire Weeda, ‘Ethnic identification and stereotypes in western Europe, c.1100-1300’ in History Compass, xii, no. 7 (July 2014), pp 586–606.

⁷¹ Biller, Peter, ‘William of Newburgh and the Cathar mission to England’ in Diana Wood (ed.), Life and thought in the northern church, c.1100–c.1700: essays in honour of Claire Cross (Woodbridge, 1999), pp 11–30 Google Scholar.

⁷² Pegg, Mark, The corruption of angels (Princeton, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This idea is taken up by Moore, Formation of a persecuting society, p. 175.

⁷³ William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, ed. and trans. R. H. C. Davis and Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford, 1998), p. 74. For classical influences, see Shopkow, Leah, History and community: Norman historical writing in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Washington, D.C., 1997), p. 133 Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ For an excellent analysis see John Gillingham, ‘A historian of the twelfth-century renaissance and the transformation of English society, 1066–ca.1200’ in Noble & Van Engen (eds), European transformations, pp 45–74. More generally see Gillingham (ed.), The English in the twelfth century.

⁷⁵ William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, et al. (2 vols, Oxford, 1998–9), i, 738, c. 409.

⁷⁶ Gerald of Wales, Opera, v, 151 (Topographia Hibernica, 3.10).

⁷⁷ Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, p. 176.

⁷⁸ William of Newburgh, ‘Historia rerum Anglicarum’, i, 167.

⁷⁹ John Gillingham, ‘Conquering the barbarians: war and chivalry in twelfth-century Britain’ in idem (ed.), The English in the twelfth century, pp 47–8; idem, ‘Foundations of a disunited kingdom’, p. 101. Orderic says little about the Irish, though he does speculate that Arnulf de Montgomery hoped to succeed his father-in-law, Muirchertach Ua Briain, when he fled to Ireland in 1102 (Orderic Vitalis, The ecclesiastical history, ed. Marjorie Chibnall (6 vols, Oxford, 1968–1980), iv, 48–51).

⁸⁰ Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex chronicis, ed. Benjamin Thorpe (2 vols, London, 1848–9), ii, 35, 41–2, 97; John of Worcester, Chronicle, ed. J. R. H. Weaver (Oxford, 1908), p. 43.

⁸¹ K. R. Potter and R. H. C. Davis (eds), Gesta Stephani (2^nd ed., Oxford, 1976), pp 14, 172, 194.

⁸² Moore, ‘The war against heresy’, pp 198–9.

⁸³ For the Peace and Truce of God movements see H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘The Peace and the Truce of God in the eleventh century’ in Past & Present, no. 46 (Feb. 1970), pp 42–67; Head, Thomas and Landes, Richard (eds), The peace of God: social violence and religious response in France around the year 1000 (Ithaca, 1992)Google Scholar. On just war, see Russell, F. H., The just war in the middle ages (Cambridge, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Russell, Just war, pp 86–126.

⁸⁵ Gratian, Decretum, pp 889–965 (C. 23).

⁸⁶ Ivo of Chartres, ‘Panormia’, viii, cc. 15–17 (https://ivo-of-chartres.github.io/panormia/pan_8.pdf 2015-09-23 / 898fb) (17 Dec. 2015).

⁸⁷ C. W. David and Johnathan Phillips (eds), De expugnatione Lyxbonensi (New York, 2001), p. 80 Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Vincent, ‘Angevin Ireland’, pp 230–31; Heng, Geraldine, Empire of magic: medieval romance and the politics of cultural fantasy (New York, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Hurlock, Katherine, Britain, Ireland and the crusades, c.1100–1300 (Basingstoke, 2013), pp 142–165 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholson, Helen, ‘Serving king and crusade: the military orders in royal service in Ireland, 1220–1400’ in Norman Housley and Marcus Bull (eds), The experience of crusading, i: western approaches 2 vols (Cambridge, 2003), pp 233–255 Google Scholar; Browne, Martin and Clabaigh, Colmán Ó, Soldiers of Christ: the Knights Hospitaller and the Knights Templar in medieval Ireland (Dublin, 2016)Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperalia, ed. S. E. Banks and J. W. Binns (Oxford, 2002), pp 308–9. For more on the significance of Tilbury’s account see, Thomas, H. M., The English and the Normans: ethnic hostility, assimilation, and identity 1066–c.1220 (Oxford, 2003), p. 315 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vincent, ‘Angevin Ireland’, p. 231.

⁹¹ J. A. Watt, ‘Negotiations between Edward II and John XXII concerning Ireland’ in I.H.S., x, no. 37 (Mar. 1956), p. 19.

⁹² Berry, H. F. (ed.), Statutes and ordinances, and acts of the parliament of Ireland, King John to Henry V (Dublin, 1907), pp 564–565 Google Scholar; Matthew, Elizabeth, ‘Henry V and the proposal for an Irish crusade’ in Brendan Smith (ed.), Ireland and the English world in the late middle ages: essays in honour of Robin Frame (Basingstoke, 2009), pp 161–175 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Aurell, L’Empire des Plantagenêt, p. 104 (Plantagenet Empire, p. 91); Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, pp 174–80; Cleaver, Laura, ‘Gerald of Wales on Irish art: objects, stories and images in the making of history in the thirteenth century’ in Jane Hawkes (ed.), Making histories: proceedings of the sixth International Insular Art Conference, York 2011 (Donnington, 2013), pp 315–325 Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Gerald of Wales, Opera, i, 72–3.

⁹⁵ For instance, in a preface to his Expugnatio Hibernica, Gerald of Wales attacked those ‘envious’ people who derided the wonder stories in his earlier Topographia Hibernica (Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, pp 2–9).

⁹⁶ Bartlett, Making of Europe, pp 133–66; Veach, Colin, ‘Conquest and conquerors’ in Smith (ed.), The Cambridge history of Ireland, i: 600–1550, pp 184–185 Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Bull, Marcus, ‘Criticism of Henry II’s expedition to Ireland in William of Canterbury’s miracles of St Thomas Becket’ in Journal of Medieval History, xxxiii, no. 2 (June 2007), pp 121–122 Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, pp 148–9. For a new and nuanced analysis of English writers’ opinions of the invasion of Ireland see, Staunton, Michael, The historians of Angevin England (Oxford, 2017), pp 353–361 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Staunton’s argument concerning Latin sources complements much of what follows, but was published too late to be fully incorporated here.

⁹⁹ Gerald of Wales, Opera, vi, 7.

¹⁰⁰ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, p. 264.

¹⁰¹ Short, ‘Literary culture at the court of Henry II’, p. 340.

¹⁰² Gillingham, ‘Foundations of a disunited kingdom’, p. 103.

¹⁰³ For Jordan’s chronicle in general, see R. C. Johnston, ‘The historicity of Jordan Fantosme’s chronicle’ in Journal of Medieval History, ii, no. 2 (June 1976), pp 159–68; Anthony Lodge, ‘Literature and history in the chronicle of Jordan Fantosme’ in French Studies, xliv, no. 3 (July 1990), pp 257–70; Strickland, M. J., ‘Arms and the men: war, loyalty and lordship in Jordan Fantosme’s chronicle’ in Christopher Harper-Bill and Ruth Harvey (eds), Medieval knighthood IV (Woodbridge, 1992), pp 187–220 Google Scholar; Ashe, Laura, Fiction and history in England, 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 2007), pp 81–120 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Jordan Fantosme, Chronicle, ed. and trans. R. C. Johnston (Oxford, 1981), p. 72, lines 978–9.

¹⁰⁵ The stereotype was relatively popular in contemporary French writing, and seems to have been taken on by the English themselves. For instance, in about 1180 Andrew de Coutances wrote of an Englishman: ‘Of him you can say in all good faith/ That he doesn’t need to be thirsty to drink,/ And it is indeed true for his part/ His only ambition is to fall down dead drunk.’ (David Crouch, ‘The roman des Franceis of Andrew de Coutances: text, translation and significance’ in David Crouch and Kathleen Thompson (eds), Normandy and its neighbours, 900–1250: essays for David Bates (Turnhout, 2011), pp 180, 185).

¹⁰⁶ Jordan Fantosme, Chronicle, pp 12–14, lines 153–61.

¹⁰⁷ For example, ibid., pp 72, 76, lines 991–9, 1000–1, 1059–60 (Flemings); pp 48, 52, 100, 120, lines 629–36, 683–8, 1342–3, 1594 (Scots).

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., pp 54, 62, lines 706 (‘Escoce la salvage!’), 826 (‘Flandres la salvage!’).

¹⁰⁹ For the society and culture of contemporary Flanders, see Nicholas, D. M., Medieval Flanders (London, 1992), pp 89–123 Google Scholar. For the Flemings’ social identity in England, see Oksanen, Eljas, Flanders and the Anglo-Norman world, 1066–1216 (Cambridge, 2012), pp 219–250 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Evelyn Mullally (ed.), The deeds of the Normans in Ireland. La geste des Engleis en Yrlande (Dublin, 2002)Google Scholar; G. H. Orpen (ed.), The song of Dermot and the earl: an Old French poem. From the Carew manuscript no. 596 in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth Palace (Oxford, 1892)Google Scholar. The best critical treatment of the source is now Busby, Keith, French in medieval Ireland, Ireland in medieval French: the paradox of two worlds (Turnhout, 2017), pp 77–107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹¹ For instance, he uses the Irish terms daingean (stronghold) instead of castle, langport (encampment), and the Irish names for Dublin, Waterford, Wexford and Wicklow. (Mullally (ed.), Deeds of the Normans in Ireland, pp 32–3).

¹¹² For comparison, see the descriptions of the rebellion of Robert de Bellême against Henry I (Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical history, vi, 21–33), and the revolt of 1173–4 against Henry II (Roger of Howden, Chronica, ii, 45–67; Jordan Fantosme, Chronicle, pp 6–8, 12, 16–18, lines 59–90, 140–52, 212–35).

¹¹³ Mullally (ed.), Deeds of the Normans in Ireland, pp 56, 58, 76, lines 146–7, 200–1, 897–9.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., p. 129, lines 2966–9.

¹¹⁵ David Crouch, ‘Writing a biography in the thirteenth century: the construction and composition of the “History of William Marshal”’ in Bates (ed.), Writing medieval biography, pp 221–36; Crouch, David, William Marshal, (3rd ed., London, 2016), pp 126–130 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ A. J. Holden and David Crouch (eds), History of William Marshal, trans. Stewart Gregory (3 vols, London, 2002–7), ii, 176–80, 194, 198–204, 206, lines 13514–13578, 13871–13888, 13941–14094, 14123–14136. For Marshal’s career, see Crouch, William Marshal.

¹¹⁷ Seán Duffy, ‘King John’s expedition to Ireland, 1210: the evidence reconsidered’ in I.H.S., xxx, no. 117 (May 1996), pp 8–9.

¹¹⁸ Francisque Michel (ed.), Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d’Angleterre (Paris, 1840), pp 112–114 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ I am grateful to both Professor Keith Busby and Dr Thomas Hinton for their help and advice concerning the analysis that follows.

¹²⁰ Chrétien de Troyes, Le roman de Perceval ou le conte du Graal, ed. Keith Busby (Tübingen, 1993), p. 12, lines 243–4.

¹²¹ Chrétien de Troyes, Le roman de Perceval, p. 12, line 245.

¹²² As soon as Perceval is given his geographical suffix, it is replaced by alternatives (‘le chaitis’, ‘maleürous’) indicating that his actions at the Grail Castle, not his origins, would henceforth define him. See: Chrétien de Troyes, Le roman de Perceval, p. 153, lines 3575–83; Hinton, Thomas, The conte du Graal cycle: Chrétien de Troyes’s Perceval, the continuations, and French Arthurian romance (Woodbridge, 2012), p. 121 Google Scholar.

¹²³ Since Le roman de Fergus is a parody of Le conte du Graal (Perceval), they cannot necessarily be seen as independent sources for contemporary views of the ‘barbarians’ of Britain. See: Gravdal, Kathryn, Vilain and courtois (Lincoln, NA, 1989), p. 25 Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Busby, French in medieval Ireland, Ireland in medieval French, pp 307–28 (quotation at p. 310).

¹²⁵ Ibid.

¹²⁶ Brock Holden, ‘“Feudal frontiers?” Colonial societies in Wales and Ireland, 1170–1330’ in Studia Hibernica, no. 33 (2004/2005), pp 61–79.

¹²⁷ For a fuller account of English lordship in Ireland, see Veach, Colin, Lordship in four realms: the Lacy family, 1166–1241 (Manchester, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, Brendan, Colonisation and conquest in medieval Ireland: the English in Louth, 1170–1330 (Cambridge, 1999)Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Jocelin of Furness, The life and acts of Saint Patrick, the archbishop, primate and apostle of Ireland, ed. J. C. O’Haloran (Philadelphia, 1823); Birkett, Helen, The saints’ lives of Jocelin of Furness (Woodbridge, 2010)Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, p. 190.

¹³⁰ See Van Engen, ‘The twelfth century’, pp 17–44; Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, pp 164–5.

¹³¹ W. M. Hennessy (ed.), The Annals of Loch Cé. A chronicle of Irish affairs from A.D. 1014 to A.D. 1590 (2 vols, Oxford, 1871), i, 172, s.a. 1186. For a fuller analysis of the situation in Meath, see Veach, Lordship in four realms, esp. pp 245–51.

¹³² See, Frame, Colonial Ireland, pp 31–61.

¹³³ Busby, French in medieval Ireland, pp 266–9.

¹³⁴ Chrétien de Troyes, Erec und Enide, ed. Wendelin Foerster (Halle, 1884), p. 107, lines 3865–75. The translation is from Busby, French in medieval Ireland, p. 267. I see no reason to follow Michael Faletra’s suggestion that the ‘Irish’ in this passage referred to the first colonists from south Wales (M. A. Faletra, Wales and the medieval colonial imagination: the matters of Britain in the twelfth century (Basingstoke, 2014), p. 116).

¹³⁵ Busby, French in medieval Ireland, p. 300.

¹³⁶ Joseph Gildea (ed.), Durmart le Galois (2 vols, Villanova, PA, 1965–66), i, 333, lines 12735–12748.

¹³⁷ Gildea (ed.), Durmart le Galois, i, 337, lines 12883–12895. Translation from: Busby, French in medieval Ireland, p. 303.

¹³⁸ Gildea (ed.), Durmart le Galois, i, 370–71, 374–6, lines 14133–14183, 14304–14384.

¹³⁹ Ibid., i, 385, 393–4, lines 14703–14711, 15039–15045.

¹⁴⁰ Brault, G. J., Early blazon, heraldic terminology in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with special reference to Arthurian literature (Oxford 1972), pp 21–22 Google Scholar; Viel, Robert, ‘Les Armoiries probables d’Henri II d’Angleterre’ in Archivum Heraldicum, lxx (1956), pp 19–23 Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Interestingly, the surviving manuscripts seem to have been purely continental in their transmission. For a full analysis of the source (and much of what follows), see Busby, French in medieval Ireland, pp 276–92. For the author’s extreme use of multiple narratives and the quest motif, all of which make Ireland’s alterity essential to the story, see Hinton, Conte du Graal, pp 208–12.

¹⁴² Wendelin Foerster and Hermann Breuer (eds), Les merveilles de Rigomer (2 vols, Dresden, 1908–15), i, 126–31, lines 4379–4560.

¹⁴³ Ibid., i, 70, lines 2369–2370 (Bréifne), 91, lines 3148–3151 (Thomond).

¹⁴⁴ Busby, French in medieval Ireland, p. 286; Matthieu Boyd characterises the Merveilles as a text of conciliation and collaboration. See: Matthieu Boyd, ‘The source of enchantment: the marvels of Rigomer (Les Mervelles de Rigomer) and the evolution of Celtic influence on medieval francophone storytelling’ (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 2011), p. 190.

¹⁴⁵ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, pp 244–53.

¹⁴⁶ Mullally (ed.), Deeds of the Normans in Ireland, p. 119, lines 2577–2582.

¹⁴⁷ For Henry’s army, see Howard Clarke, ‘The early English pipe rolls as a source for Irish history’ in Mac Niocaill and Wallace (eds), Keimelia, pp 416–34.

¹⁴⁸ Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica, 104–5.

¹⁴⁹ J. C. Robertson (ed.), Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury (7 vols, London, 1875–85), vii, 514.

¹⁵⁰ See Davies, R. R., ‘Frontier arrangements in fragmented societies: Ireland and Wales’ in Robert Bartlett and Angus MacKay (eds), Medieval frontier societies (Oxford, 1989), pp 77–100 Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Church, Stephen, King John and the road to Magna Carta (New York, 2015), pp 18–19 Google Scholar.

¹⁵² Rot. litt. pat., 77b. See Mason, Emma ‘The hero’s invincible weapon: an aspect of Angevin propaganda’ in Christopher Harper-Bill and Ruth Harvey (eds), The ideals and practice of medieval knighthood, III (Woodbridge, 1990), pp 121–137 Google Scholar, esp. pp 126–35; Aurell, ‘Henry II and the Arthurian legend’, pp 372–3.

¹⁵³ For John and Ireland see Duffy, Seán, ‘John and Ireland: the origins of England’s Irish problem’ in S. D. Church (ed.), King John: new interpretations (Woodbridge, 1999), pp 221–245 Google Scholar; Colin Veach, ‘King John and royal control in Ireland: why William de Briouze had to be destroyed’ in E.H.R., cxxix, no. 540 (Oct. 2014), pp 1051–78.