¹ For background, see Connolly, S.J., ‘Violence and order in the eighteenth century’ in O’Flanagan, Patrick, Ferguson, Paul and Whelan, Kevin (eds), Rural Ireland 1600–1900: modernisation and change (Cork, 1987), pp 53–7;Google Scholar Fagan, Patrick , ‘The Dublin Catholic mob (1700–1750)’ in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 4 (1989), pp 133—12;Google Scholar Garnham, Neal, The courts, crime and the criminal law in Ireland, 1692–1760 (Dublin, 1996), pp 197–204;Google Scholar Kelly, James, The Liberty and Ormond Boys: factional riot in eighteenth-century Dublin (Dublin, 2005), pp 7–26.Google Scholar

² Daily Courant, 9 July 1729.

³ Dublin Intelligence, 12 Apr., 15 Apr., 14 June, 25 Aug. 1729.

⁴ Archbishop Boulter to duke of Newcastle, 19 Mar. 1730 (T.N.A., SP 63/392, f. 76).

⁵ Connolly, S.J., Religion, law, and power: the making of Protestant Ireland, 1660–1760 (Oxford, 1992), pp 213, 219–20;Google Scholar Jupp, Peter and Magennis, Eoin, ‘Introduction: crowds in Ireland, c.1720–1920’ in idem (eds), Crowds in Ireland, c. 1720–1920 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp 5–12;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Powell, M.J., The politics of consumption in eighteenth-century Ireland (Basingstoke, 2005), pp 173–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Mob is derived from the Latin phrase mobile vulgus, meaning ‘the moveable or excitable crowd’: Shoemaker, R.B., The London mob: violence and disorder in eighteenth-century England (London, 2004), pp 11–13.Google Scholar

⁷ McNamara, Gerard, ‘Crown versus municipality: the struggle for Dublin, 1713” in Dublin Historical Record, 39 (1986), p. 114;Google Scholar Hayton, D.W., Ruling Ireland, 1685–1742: politics, politicians and parties (Woodbridge, 2004), p. 171.Google Scholar

⁸ The various roles played by crowds and mobs in European urban culture is described more thoroughly in Rudé, George, ‘The London “mob” of the eighteenth century’ in Historical Journal, 2 (1959), pp 1–18;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Tilly, Charles, ‘Collective violence in European perspective’ in Graham, H.D. and Gurr, T. R. (eds), Violence in America: historical and comparative perspectives (London, 1979), pp 83–118;Google Scholar Harrison, Mark, Crowds in history: mass phenomena in English towns, 1790–1835 (Cambridge, 1988);Google Scholar Rogers, Nicholas, Crowds, culture, and politics in Georgian Britain (Oxford, 1998);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Randall, Adrian and Charlesworth, Andrew (eds), Markets, market culture and popular protest in eighteenth-century Britain and Ireland (Liverpool, 1996).Google Scholar

⁹ Kelly, James, ‘Harvests and hardships: famine and scarcity in Ireland in the late 1720s’ in Studia Hibernica, 16 (1992), pp 77–90.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Daily Journal, 29 Mar. 1729; Daily Post, 13 June 1729. The Irish government was increasingly concerned that Presbyterians were emigrating from Ireland to America and the West Indies, and that Catholics were being recruited for ‘foreign service’: Archbishop Boulter to Lord Carteret, 7 Mar. 1728 (T.N.A., SP 63/390, f. 35).

¹¹ ‘An account of the money collected in pursuance of his majesty’s patents, bearing the date the 5th of May Anno Dom. 1729’ in Daily Courant, 20 Sept. 1729; Daily Journal, 20 Sept. 1729; Kelly, ‘Harvests’, p. 90.

¹² Daily Journal, 5 May 1729; Dublin Weekly Journal, 12 July 1729; Monthly Chronicle, Jan. 1729.

¹³ Dublin Intelligence, 18 Mar. 1729. The actions of Dublin’s food rioters were usually restrained, although on occasions there were injuries and deaths: Kelly, James, ‘Coping with crisis: the response to the famine of 1740–41’ in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 27 (2012), pp 109–10.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Kelly, , ‘Harvests’, p. 89.Google Scholar

¹⁵ James Kelly has published a detailed description of the emergence of Kevan Bail and the commencement of factional disorder in Dublin, which provides an excellent backdrop to this article: Kelly, , Liberty and Ormond Boys, pp 14–26.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Dublin Intelligence, 11 Nov. 1729.

¹⁷ Oyer and terminer was eventually introduced by the act 3 Geo. II, c. 15 and was used to execute members of Kevan Bail in March 1730: Commons’ jn. Ire. (3rd ed.), v, 1035; Dublin Weekly Journal, 14 Mar. 1730; Dublin Intelligence, 26 Aug. 1729; Dublin Journal, 2–6 Sept. 1729; Daily Courant, 2 Sept. 1729.

¹⁸ Commons’ jn. Ire. (2nd ed.), v, 642. A riot act was rejected by the Irish Commons on the grounds that the Irish parliament would not pass the bill unless it had been proposed by them. According to Garnham, this highlighted the limit of the executive’s ability to introduce new measures against rioters: Garnham, Neal, ‘Riot acts, popular protest, and Protestant mentalities in eighteenth-century Ireland’ in Historical Journal, 69 (2006), p. 410.Google Scholar

¹⁹ ‘List of regiments in Ireland, May 1700 to October 1728’ (T.N.A., SP 63/390, ff 228–9).

²⁰ Daily Journal, 9 July 1729; Dublin Intelligence, 12 July 1729.

²¹ Dublin Intelligence, 15 Apr. 1729. ‘Kevan’s Street’ was better known as ‘Street’, St Kevan’s: Brooking’s map of the city and suburbs of Dublin, 1728 (Dublin, 1728).Google Scholar The modern names are Kevin Street Upper and Kevin Street Lower.

²² London Evening Post, 22–24 Apr. 1729.

²³ Dublin Intelligence, 24 June 1729; London Evening Post, 26–28 June 1729.

²⁴ Daily Courant, 2 Sept. 1729; Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 19–23 Aug. 1729; Dublin Weekly Journal, 23 Aug. 1729.

²⁵ Connolly, S.J., ‘Albion’s fatal twigs: justice and law in the eighteenth century’ in Mitchison, Rosalind and Roebuck, Peter (eds), Economy and society in Scotland and Ireland, 1500–1939 (Edinburgh, 1988), p. 118.Google Scholar

²⁶ Garnham, , Courts, pp 27–32.Google Scholar

²⁷ The figure for the number of constables may have been exaggerated by the newspaper, or may point to the existence of a large number of ‘irregular’ constables who made a living by collecting rewards and taking bribes. No other contemporary estimate of the number of constables in Dublin has come to light for the period before they were reformed in September 1729: Dublin Intelligence, 23 Sept. 1729. For descriptions of Dublin’s watch, see Dudley, Rowena, ‘The Dublin parish, 1660–1730’ in Fitzpatrick, Elizabeth and Gillespie, Raymond (eds), The parish in medieval and early modern Ireland: community, territory and building (Dublin, 2006), pp 293–6;Google Scholar Wallace, W.J. R. (ed.), The vestry records of the parishes of St Bride, St Michael Le Pole and St Stephen, Dublin, 1662–1742 (Dublin, 2011), p. 227.Google Scholar For population estimates, see Craig, Maurice, Dublin 1660–1860 (Dublin, 1980), p. 84;Google Scholar Hill, Jacqueline, From patriots to unionists: Dublin civic politics and Irish Protestant patriotism, 1660–1840 (Oxford, 1997), p. 91;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Murphy, Sean, ‘Municipal politics and popular disturbances: 1660–1800’ in Cosgrove, Art (ed.), Dublin through the ages (Dublin, 1988), p. 80.Google Scholar

²⁸ Dublin, Courant, 19 May 1724;Google Scholar Garnham, , Courts, p. 30;Google Scholar Garnham, Neal, ‘The short career of Paul Farrell: a brief consideration of law enforcement in eighteenth-century Dublin’ in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 11 (1996), p. 50.Google Scholar

²⁹ Robinson eventually died of his wounds: Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 10–14 June 1729; Dublin Weekly Journal, 14 June 1729; Daily Post, 28 June 1729.

³⁰ Dublin Weekly Journal, 6 Sept. 1729; Dublin Gazette, 20–23 Sept. 1729.

³¹ Dublin Intelligence, 23 Sept. 1729. Richard Dickson, the Whig proprietor of the Dublin Intelligence, was attacked by a mob after he published this report. Fortunately for him he was protected by ‘the concourse of honest people, who gathered to know the reason for such uncommon proceedings’: Dublin Intelligence, 18 Nov. 1729; Munter, Robert, The history of the Irish newspaper 1685–1760 (London, 1967), p. 155.Google Scholar

³² Whalley’s General Post-Man, 31 Dec. 1716.

³³ 2 Geo. I, c. 10; Starr, J.P., ‘The enforcing of law and order in eighteenth-century Ireland’ (Ph.D. thesis, Trinity College Dublin, 1968), p. 34.Google Scholar

³⁴ 8 Geo. I, c. 10; 10 Geo. I, c. 3; Whalley’s General Post-Man, 31 Dec. 1716; Dudley, , ‘Dublin parish’, p. 294;Google Scholar Starr, , ‘Enforcing the law’, pp 34–7Google Scholar; Garnham, , Courts, pp 27–30;Google Scholar Wallace, (ed.), Vestry records, p. 227.Google Scholar

³⁵ Dublin Gazette, 20–23 Sept. 1729.

³⁶ Dublin Weekly Journal, 6 Sept. 1729.

³⁷ Dublin Intelligence, 13 Sept. 1729; Daily Courant, 23 Sept. 1729.

³⁸ The Tholsel, situated on Skinners Row, was used for corporation meetings and court sessions.

³⁹ Dublin Weekly Journal, 17 Sept., 11 Oct. 1729; Dublin Gazette, 20–23 Sept. 1729. There were fourteen justices of the peace in Dublin, but only seven of them took an active part administering justice: Historical Register (15 vols, London, 1730), xv, 113.

⁴⁰ Dublin Gazette, 20–23 Sept. 1729; Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 3–7 Feb. 1730.

⁴¹ ‘Irish Revenue Board and Irish Board of Customs: minutes’ (hereafter ‘Irish revenue commissioners’ minutes’), 16 May 1729 (T.N.A., CUST 1/21, p. 135).

⁴² Irish revenue commissioners’ minutes, 7 June, 14 July, 20 Oct. 1729 (T.N.A., CUST 1/21, pp 152/3, 191, 281); Dublin Intelligence, 17 May 1729; Dublin Weekly Journal, 14 June 1729; Daily Post, 31 May 1729; Dublin Gazette, 21–24 June 1729.

⁴³ Commons’jn. Ire. (3rd ed.), v, 1029; Calendar of ancient records of Dublin, ed. Gilbert, J.T. (18 vols, Dublin, 1889–922)Google Scholar [henceforth CAR D], vii, 500.

⁴⁴ Dublin Intelligence, 1 Nov., 13 Dec., 30 Dec. 1729; Connolly, , Religion, p. 225.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Commons’ jn. Ire. (3rd ed.), v, 1077.

⁴⁶ Dublin Intelligence, 30 Dec. 1729; ‘For better regulating the fees of justices of the peace, and for disabling Alderman Thomas Wilkinson and Alderman Thomas Bolton for acting as justice of the peace within this kingdom’, 3 Geo II, c. 16; Historical Register, xv, 112–28.

⁴⁷ Lords’ jn. Ire,, iii, 97, 108; CARD,, vii, 474; Historical Register, xv, 128–9.

⁴⁸ Other gaolers, predating Hawkins, also had notoriety. For example, Richard Blondeville, ‘marshal of Dublin’s Marshalsea’, was dismissed in 1707 for committing ‘oppressions and irregularities’ on prisoners: Twomey, Brendan, Dublin in 1707: a year in the life of the city (Dublin, 2009), p. 18.Google Scholar However, Hawkins was better known to the general public due to the many newspaper reports about him, published in both Dublin and London.

⁴⁹ ‘Report of the committee of the House of Commons, appointed to enquire into the state of the gaols and prisons in the city of Dublin’ in Historical Register, xv, 98–105; ‘The substance of the report from the committee appointed to enquire into the state of the gaols of the kingdom of Ireland’ in Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix; McNeill, Charles, ‘New Gate, Dublin’ in R.SA.I. Jnl, ser. 6, 11 (1921), pp 160–2Google Scholar; Gilbert, J.T., A history of Dublin (3 vols., Dublin, 1854–59), i, 265.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Starr, ‘Enforcing the law’, Appendix A.

⁵¹ Some of the constables were paid by Dublin corporation and others were paid by bribes. The official number of constables with which he was authorised to use was reduced to eighteen following the reforms of 1729: Dublin Weekly Journal, 17 Sept. 1729; Dublin Gazette, 20–23 Sept. 1729.

⁵² Dublin Intelligence, 9 Dec. 1729; CARD., vii, 226, 458.

⁵³ Whalley’s News-Letter, 11 July 1720.

⁵⁴ Dublin News-Letter, 28 July 1724. Hawkins also received a reward of £10 for killing Daniel Carroll, ‘a noted robber’, in 1723: C.A.R.D., vii, 226; and, most likely, a share of £20 for the capture of Neice O’Haghain, ‘a proclaimed tory, robber and rapparee’, in 1721: ‘Antrim grand jury presentment book’, 30 Mar. 1721 (P.R.O.N.I., ANT/4/1/1, p. 280).

⁵⁵ Whalley’s News-Letter, 11 July 1720.

⁵⁶ Historical Register, xv, 100–01;Dublin Intelligence, 29 Nov. 1729; W[ilkes], W[etenhall], Tom in the Suds; or Humours of Newgate, in four cantos (Dublin, 1737), p. 4;Google Scholar Dublin Gazette, 14–17 Feb. 1730; Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix.

⁵⁷ Historical Register, xv, 100; Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix; C.A.R.D., vii, 160, 165–6.

⁵⁸ A gratuity of twenty guineas was paid annually to the sheriff: Gilbert, , History of Dublin, i, 264; CA.R.D. Google Scholar, vii, 270, 313, 360, 434, 472.

⁵⁹ Wilkes, , Humours of Newgate, p. 3.Google Scholar Wilkes was instructed in the excise in 1728: Irish revenue commissioners’ minutes, 14 June 1728 (T.N.A., CUST 1/20, p. 111); and dismissed from the service for being ‘in debt to most people in the town [probably Newry]’ in 1737: Irish revenue commissioners’ minutes, 16 Mar. 1737 (T.N.A., CUST 1/27, p. 366); Katherine O’Donnell, ‘Wilkes, Wetenhall (1705/6-1751)’, in Oxford D.N.B. ‘Bum-bailiffs’ were legal functionaries whose jobs were to serve writs on debtors and collect money and distresses, although reports in newspapers portrayed them as being receivers and vendors of stolen goods: Dublin Intelligence, 23 Sept. 1729; Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 24–27 Aug. 1734; Powell, M.J., ‘Credit, debt and patriot politics in Dublin, 1763–1784’ in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 15 (2010), p. 135.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Hawkins received £406 p.a. in the Black Dog alone: Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix; Starr, Joseph, ‘Prison reform in Ireland in the age of enlightenment’ in History Ireland, 3, no. 2 (Summer, 1995), p. 22.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Commons’ jn. Ire. (2nd ed.), v, 668, 708.

⁶² Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix.

⁶³ The keeper’s receipts from both prisons were an estimated £1,163, for ‘admission fees’ alone: McNeill, , ‘New Gate’, p. 161.Google Scholar Although the figure probably included ‘benefit from his ale-cellar’: Gilbert, , History of Dublin, i, 268;Google Scholar Johnston-Liik, E.M., History of the Irish Parliament, 1692–1800 (6 vols, Belfast, 2002), i, 276.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix.

⁶⁵ Wilkes, , Humours of Newgate, p. 31.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Dublin Intelligence, 1 Nov. 1729; McNeill, ‘New Gate’, p. 161;Google Scholar Starr, , ‘Prison reform’, p. 24.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Historical Register, xv, 99; Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix.

⁶⁸ Monthly Chronicle, Dec. 1730, Appendix.

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ Whalley’s News-Letter, 11 July 1720.

⁷¹ Ibid.

⁷² Whalley’s News-Letter, 1 Aug. 1720.

⁷³ Hawkins was arrested again a year later, but nothing appears to have come of it: Whalley’s News-Letter, 4 July 1721.

74 C.A.R.D., vii, 477.

⁷⁵ Country Journal, 3 Jan. 1730.

⁷⁶ Ibid.; Dublin Intelligence, 20 Dec. 1729.

⁷⁷ C.A.R.D., vii, 472.

⁷⁸ Commons’ jn. Ire. (3rd ed.), v, 1027; Dublin Intelligence, 1 Nov. 1729.

⁷⁹ Dublin Intelligence, 1 Nov. 1729.

⁸⁰ Commons’ jn. Ire. (2nd ed.), v, 708.

⁸¹ Dublin Intelligence, 1 Nov. 1729.

⁸² Country Journal, 3 Jan. 1730.

⁸³ Dublin Intelligence, 5 Apr. 1729. According to James Kelly, Kevan Bail was misleadingly described here as the ‘butchers of St Patrick’: Kelly, Liberty and Ormond Boys, p. 24.

⁸⁴ Dublin Intelligence, 5 Apr. 1729.

⁸⁵ According to John Rocque’s map (1756) ‘Kevan’s Port’, or ‘St Kevan’s Port’, ran along part of St Kevan’s Street and part of the street now known as Redmond’s Hill: Rocque, An exact survey (Dublin, 1756).

⁸⁶ Dublin Intelligence, 8 Apr. 1729; Daily Post, 21 Apr. 1729.

⁸⁷ Dublin Intelligence, 12 Apr. 1729.

⁸⁸ Ibid. According to the map of Dublin published in 1673, the gallows was situated on the ‘Highway to Merion’ (now Baggot Street Lower), approximately half a mile from Green, St Stephen’s: [Bernard De Gomme] The city and suburbs of Dublin from Kilmainham to Ringsend, wherein the rivers, streets, lanes, allys, churches, gates etc. are exactly described, 15 Nov. 1673 (Dublin, 1673).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Dublin Intelligence, 10 June 1729.

⁹⁰ Daily Courant, 9 July 1729.

⁹¹ Dublin Intelligence, 26 Apr. 1729.

⁹² Ibid., 29 Apr. 1729; Flying Post, 10 May 1729; Daily Post, 6 May 1729.

⁹³ Dublin Intelligence, 29 Apr. 1729; Flying Post, 10 May 1729.

⁹⁴ Dublin Intelligence, 14 June 1729; London Evening Post, 26–28 June 1729.

⁹⁵ Daily Courant, 9 July 1729.

⁹⁶ Fagan, , ‘Catholic mob’, p. 141.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Kelly, , Liberty and Ormond Boys, pp 24–5.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ It was reported that gangs ‘are now distinguished by the appellation Kevan Bail and Smithfield Bail, from the frequent rescue of prisoners out of the hands of peace officers’: Dublin Intelligence, 29 Apr. 1729.

⁹⁹ Neal Garnham has argued that reforms in ‘policing arrangements’ were not introduced, at least after 1715, in response to public disorder. However Garnham appears not to have considered the events of 1729 in sufficient detail before coming to this conclusion: Garnham, Neal, ‘Police and public order in eighteenth-century Dublin’ in Clark, Peter and Gillespie, Raymond (eds), Two capitals: London and Dublin, 1500–1840, Proceedings of the British Academy, cvii (2001), pp 81–91.Google ScholarPubMed

¹⁰⁰ Thompson, E.P., ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century’ in Past and Present, no. 50 (1971), pp 76–136.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ibid., p. 78. For further discussion of the Irish ‘moral economy’, see Magennis, Eoin, ‘In search of the “moral economy”: food scarcity in 1756–57 and the crowd’ in Jupp, and Magennis, (eds), Crowds in Ireland, pp 189–211;Google Scholar Bartlett, Thomas, ‘An end to moral economy: the Irish militia disturbances of 1793’ in Past and Present, no. 99 (1983), pp 41–64;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Wells, Roger, ‘The Irish famine of 1799–1801: market culture, moral economies and social protest’ in Randall, and Charlesworth, (eds), Markets and popular protest, pp 163–93;Google Scholar Powell, M.J., ‘Ireland‘s urban houghers’ in Brown, Michael and Donlan, S.P. (eds), The laws and other legalities of Ireland, 1689–1850 (Farnham, 2011), pp 231–54.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Sheehan, W.J., ‘The London prison system, 1666–1795’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Maryland, 1975), p. 239,Google Scholar quoted in De Lacy, Margaret, Prison reform in Lancashire, 1700–1850: a study of local administration (Manchester, 1986), p. 34.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ For a wider discussion of the connexion between English and Irish criminal law in the early eighteenth century see Garnham, Neal, ‘The criminal law 1692–1760: England and Ireland compared’ in Connolly, S.J. (ed.), Kingdoms united? Great Britain and Ireland since 1500: integration and diversity (Dublin, 1999), pp 215–224.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Country Journal, 3 Jan. 1730

¹⁰⁵ Gilbert, , History of Dublin, i, 264.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Starr, , ‘Prison reform’, p. 22;Google Scholar Howson, Gerald, Thief-taker general: the rise and fall of Jonathan Wild (London, 1970), p. 28;Google Scholar Kalman, H.D., ‘Newgate prison’ in Architectural History: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain, 46 (2003), p. 50.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Sharpe, J. A., Crime in early modern England 1550–1750 (2nd ed., London, 1999), p. 261.Google Scholar For conditions in English prisons see Innes, Joanna, ‘The King’s Bench prison in the later eighteenth century: law, authority and order in a London debtors’ prison’ in Brewer, John and Styles, John (eds), An ungovernable people: the English and their law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (London, 1980), pp 250–98.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Howson, , Thief-taker, pp 49–56.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., pp 19, 288.

¹¹⁰ Trial of William Acton, deputy keeper and leasee of the Marshalsea prison in Southwark at Kingston assizes; on Saturday the 2nd of August 1729 (London, 1729), p. 3; Howson, , Thief-taker, p. 289.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Dublin Journal, 13–16 Dec. 1729; To the honourable the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled. The case of Thomas Bambridge (London, 1729); Woodfine, Philip, ‘Debtors, prisons, and petitions in eighteenth-century England’ in Eighteenth-Century Life, 30 (2006), p. 12`.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹² Direct comparisons were made in newspapers between the prosecutions of Hawkins and Bambridge: Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 13–16 Dec. 1729. Moreover, the lower social orders in Dublin were increasingly gaining access to newspapers in the early eighteenth century: Munter, , Irish newspaper, p. 153.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Starr, , ‘Prison reform’, p. 24.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Dublin Intelligence, 17 Mar. 1730; McBride, Ian, Eighteenth-century Ireland: the isle of slaves (Dublin, 2009), p. 336.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Dublin Weekly Journal, 13 Mar. 1731.

¹¹⁶ Kelly, , Liberty and Ormond Boys, pp 27–52.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Faulkner’s, Dublin Journal, 20–24 Apr. 1731;Google Scholar Dublin Intelligence, 26 Apr. 1731.

¹¹⁸ Pue’s Occurrences, 22–26 June 1731.

¹¹⁹ Dublin Evening Post, 21–25 Nov. 1732.

¹²⁰ S[wift], J[onathan], Examination of certain abuses, corruptions and enormities in the city of Dublin (Dublin, 1732), p. 3 Google Scholar [original italics]. Bonfires were lit by Kevan Bail to celebrate the safe return of their friend and neighbour Jonathan Swift to Dublin after he made a trip to Ulster: Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 7–11 Oct. 1729. Swift wrote a poem in 1734 in praise of Kevan Bail, after the gang offered to protect him during a dispute he was having with the M.P. and serjeant-at-law, Bettesworth, Richard: Swift, Jonathan, ‘The Yahoo’s overthrow; or, The Kevan Bayl’s new ballad, upon Serjeant Kite’s insulting the Dean’ in Swift, Jonathan (ed.), The works of Dr Jonathan Swift, Dean of St. Patrick’s, Dublin (8 vols, Dublin, 1765), 8, 162–4;Google Scholar Dublin Journal, 5–9 Feb. 1734.

¹²¹ Dublin Intelligence, 3 Feb. 1730.

¹²² Dublin Weekly Journal, 11 Oct. 1729; Garnham suggests that by the early 1730s Paul Farrell had become a ‘thief-taker’ similar to the infamous Jonathan Wild in London: Garnham, , ‘Paul Farrell’, pp 49–50 Google Scholar. If so, he may have stepped into the shoes left by John Hawkins.

¹²³ Dublin Intelligence, 5 May 1730, 12 Apr. 1731; Dublin Weekly Journal, 4 July 1730; Connolly, , ‘Violence and order’, pp 54–5;Google Scholar Garnham, , ‘;Paul Farrell’, p. 46.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Nearly £1,000 was spent rebuilding Newgate prison in 1732: McNeill, , ‘New Gate’, pp 161–2.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Faulkner’s, Dublin Journal, 21–25 Apr. 1730;Google Scholar Dublin Evening Post, 21–25 Nov. 1732; Hill, , Patriots, p. 82.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Wilkes, Humours of Newgate, Appendix.

¹²⁷ Dublin Intelligence, 9 Dec., 13 Dec., 16 Dec. 1729; Daily Post, 25 Dec. 1729; Universal Spectator and Weekly Journal, 14 Feb. 1730.128 London Evening Post, 14 May 1730.

¹²⁸ London Evening Post, 14 May 1730.

¹²⁹ People were often executed for much less. For example, a young girl called Mary Creton was hanged in Dublin for stealing a calico gown and some linen: Daily Post, 12 June 1729.

¹³⁰ Irish revenue commissioners’ minutes, 13 Oct., 22 Nov., 5 Dec. 1732, (T.N.A., CUST 1/24, pp 366, 398, 410); Pue ’s Occurrences, 26–30 Sept. 1732. According to Robert Munter, Hawkins died in 1758 after living many years as an innkeeper, and thriving on his notoriety: Munter, , Irish newspaper, p. 155.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Carteret was referring to the public disorder in London. However, the comment could have applied equally to the riots in Dublin: Rudé, George, ‘London mob’, p. 8.Google Scholar I am indebted to Professors James Kelly, Mary O’Dowd and Nicholas Rogers for reading an earlier draft of this paper and making important suggestions for its improvement. I am especially indebted to Professor David Hayton, who supervised my Ph.D. at Queen’s University, Belfast, for his unfailing and helpful guidance. Where I have inadvertently ignored the good advice offered to me, or made errors, the fault is mine.