Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-xtgtn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-20T01:34:19.040Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Bevelled-Rim Bowls: Their Purpose and Significance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Extract

For Barbara who introduced me to Iraq and Donald who introduced me to cuneiform

The Uruk period is one of the most fascinating in the archaeology of the Near East. Its great temples, fine sculpture and glyptic, metal-working skills, and, above all, introduction of writing, mark it as the summit and the turning point in the beginnings of urban civilization. By these characteristics its spread can be traced up the Tigris and Euphrates into central Syria and Anatolia, and eastwards across Iran. Beside the impressive products of its architects, artists and clerks, the Uruk culture proclaims its presence most loudly through its pottery. Among the pots and pans, the most common is one of the simplest and least attractive of all near eastern pots, the bevelled-rim bowl (Glockentopf, écuelle grossière à lèvre bisautée).

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1988

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See the diagram in Strommenger, E., Habuba Kabira. Eine Stadt vor 5000 Jahren, (Mainz, 1980), Abb. 50Google Scholar.

2 Kalsbeek, J., “La céramique de series du Djebel Aruda”, Akkadica 20 (1980), 111Google Scholar; cf. Balfet, H., “A propos du métier de l'argile”, in L'archéologie de l'Iraq (Paris, 1980), 7183Google Scholar.

3 Thompson, R. Campbell and Hutchinson, R. W., “The Site of the Palace of Ashurnasirpal at Nineveh, Excavations in 1929–30 on behalf of the British Museum”, AAA 18 (1931), 104Google Scholar. The remark is in the section contributed by Hutchinson. Hamilton, R. W. and Mallowan, M. E. L. took the same view in their contributions to Campbell Thompson's reports in the following years, AAA 19 (1932), 88Google Scholar and AAA 20 (1933), 168Google Scholar. Mallowan maintained this position in CAH3I, 1, p. 402Google Scholar.

4 Grabunge in den Quadraten K/L XII in Uruk-Warka”, Bagd.Mitt. 5 (1970), 137Google Scholar.

5 Nissen, H.J., Grundzüge einer Geschichte der Frühzeit des Vorderen Orients (Darmstadt, 1983), 92 ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Johnson, G. A., Local Exchange and Early State Development in Southwestern Iran (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1973)Google Scholar; Wright, H. T., Johnson, G. A., “Population, Exchange and Early State Formation in Southwestern Iran”, American Anthropologist 77 (1975), 283CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 “Bevelled Rim Bowls and their Implications for Change and Economic Organization in the Later Fourth Millennium B.C.”, JNES 37 (1978), 289313Google Scholar. Note also the survey by Brun, A. Le, “Les écuelles grossières: état de la question”, in L'archéologie de l'Iraq, 5970Google Scholar.

7 See fn. 2.

8 Les Bevelled Rim Bowls. Nouvelle tentative d'interpretation”, Akkadica 53 (1987), 124Google Scholar.

9 The Uses of Pottery”, Iraq 46 (1984), 63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Jacquet-Gordon, H., “A Tentative Typology of Egyptian Bread Moulds”, in Arnold, D., ed., Studien zur altägyptischen Keramik (Mainz, 1981), 1124Google Scholar. W. M. Flinders Petrie described these bowls as “made by dropping a lump of mud into a hole in the ground, and then shaping it by hand”, Abydos I (London, 1902), 13Google Scholar; cf. The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty (London, 1900) Part 1, 29Google Scholar.

11 T. W. Beale, loc. cit., 305.

12 H. Jacquet-Gordon, loc. cit., 23.

13 Jebel Aruda, the 1982 Season of Excavation, interim Report”, Akkadica 33 (1983), 12Google Scholar.

14 Sürenhagen, D. in Finkbeiner, U. and Röllig, W., eds., Ğamdat Naṣr/Period or Regional Style? (Wiesbaden, 1986), 313Google Scholar; T. C. Young, ibid.

15 E. Carter, ibid., 111.

16 H. Jacquet-Gordon, loc. cit., 23.

17 I am grateful to Mrs. Lyn Forbes for this information drawn from her knowledge of Greece where such bread is called paximadhi, Mrs. Forbes kindly offered other useful observations on methods of making and baking bread.

18 See Merpert, N. Y. and Munchaev, R. M., “Early Agricultural Settlements in the Sinjar Plain, Northern Iraq”, Iraq 35 (1973), 102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 For the Old Kingdom see Klebs, L., Die Reliefs des alten Reiches (Heidelberg, 1915), 9294Google Scholar; for the New Kingdom, Cooney, , Amarna Reliefs (Brooklyn, 1965), 73 f., no. 46Google Scholar, showing round loaves in a tannur, others in moulds. It should be noted that Egyptian bakers sometimes inverted one mould over the other to make “hexagonal” loaves, see H. Wild, n. 28 below.

20 Borger, R., ABZ2 (1978), no. 528Google Scholar; see Civil, M., JCS 25 (1973), 172–5Google Scholar and Lieberman, S., The Sumerian Loanwords in Old Babylonian Akkadian (Missoula, 1977), no. 671Google Scholar.

21 See al-Soof, B. Abou, “The relevance of the Diyala Sequence to South Mesopotamian Sites”, Iraq 29 (1967) 137CrossRefGoogle Scholar, tracing the development of “flower pots” into solid footed goblets as drinking vessels, and Oates, J., “Tell Brak: Uruk Pottery from the 1984 Season”, Iraq 47 (1985), 175–86, Fig. 3, nos. 43–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Note that Abou al-Soof's paper is embodied in his Cambridge doctoral thesis now published by the State Organization for Antiquities and Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Baghdad. In his thesis, al-Soof also made the link with Egypt proposed here.

22 Martin, H. P., “The E-D. Cemetery at Al- Ubaid, a Re-evaluation”, Iraq 44 (1982) 155 f, Table 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 H. Jacquet-Gordon, loc. cit., 16.

24 Kemp, B., JEA 65 (1979), 512Google Scholar.

25 Währen, M., Brot und Gebäck im Leben und Glauben der alten Ägypter (Bern, 1963), 22Google Scholar.

26 See Strommenger, E., Habuba Kabira, 33 ffGoogle Scholar.

27 As suggested for Egypt by Wild, H. in Helck, W., Otto, E., eds., Lexikon der Ägyptologie I (Wiesbaden, 1975), 595Google Scholar.

28 For spouted jars and bowls of the Uruk period see Nôldeke, A.et al., UVB 4 (1932), pls. 18D, 19A–DGoogle Scholar, also Brun, A. Le, “Recherches stratigraphiques à l'Acropole de Suse”, Cahiers DAFI 1 (1971), Figs. 47, 52Google Scholar. The Egyptian vessels are shown in reliefs of the Vth Dynasty reproduced in Wild, H., “Brasserie et panification au tombeau de Ti”, BIFAO 64 (1966) 95120, pls. IX, XGoogle Scholar.

29 Although ordinary beer was probably brewed daily, storing could improve some types, necessitating sealed jars, as shown in the Egyptian reliefs, see Oppenheim, A. L., Hartman, L. F., On Beer and Brewing Techniques in Ancient Mesopotamia (Baltimore, 1950), 16Google Scholar, and Hayes, W. C., “Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III”, JNES 10 (1951), 90Google Scholar.

30 (London, 1946), 36f.

31 In Ehrich, R. W., ed., Relative Chronologies in Old World Archaeology (Chicago, 1965), 35Google Scholar.

32 This paper was presented at the first meeting of the British Association for Near Eastern Archaeology, Manchester, December, 1987. I am grateful to several participants for their comments, and especially to Dr. Norbert Karg who drew my attention to an essay by Klaus Schmidt who had already proposed that the bevelled-rim bowls should be interpreted as bread moulds in the light of the Egyptian moulds, Zur Verwendung der Mesopotamischen ‘Glockentöpfe’Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 12 (1982), 317–9Google Scholar. Since that paper is little known, it seems worthwhile restating and elaborating the proposal here. My colleagues K. A. Kitchen and C. J. Eyre have generously advised me on the Egyptian sources.