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Charlotte Wilson, the “Woman Question”, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism

  • Susan Hinely (a1)

Summary

Recent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globalization, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson's anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross-currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson's gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women's movement.

Susan Hinely. Charlotte Wilson, la “question de la femme”, et les significations du socialisme anarchiste à la fin du radicalisme victorien.

La littérature récente sur les mouvements radicaux à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et au début du vingtième siècle a redéfini cette période comme une étape clé de la mondialisation contemporaine, étape dans laquelle les formulations idéologiques et les alliances radicales étaient fluides et ne tombaient pas nettement dans les catégories que l'histoire politique assignait par tradition. L'analyse des idées politiques et de l'activisme de Charlotte Wilson à la fin de l'Angleterre victorienne est, dans cette nouvelle historiographie, une intervention qui conforte la thèse de l'hétérogénéité idéologique mondiale et la complète, en montrant le défi posé à la hiérarchie sexuelle qui prévalait dans un grand nombre de ces contre-courants radicaux. Les alliances inattendues formées par Wilson, à la poursuite de sa compréhension du socialisme anarchiste, soulignent la nature changeante de la politique radicale, mais elles révèlent également un consensus global qui unissait ces groupes disparates, une vision commune de l'avenir socialiste, dans lequel les valeurs fondamentales mais oppositionnelles de soi et de la société fusionneraient. Ce consensus a sans doute permis à la définition de genre de l'anarchisme donnée par Wilson de s'adapter à de nouvelles conditions, lorsqu'elle-même et d'autres femmes socialistes poursuivirent leur vision radicale en tant qu'activistes dans le mouvement des femmes de l'avant-guerre.

Susan Hinely. Charlotte Wilson, die ‘‘Frauenfrage’’, und die Bedeutungen des anarchistischen Sozialismus im spätviktorianischen Radikalismus.

Die jüngere Literatur zu den radikalen Bewegungen des späten 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts hat diese Zeit als eine Schlüsselphase der gegenwärtigen Globalisierung interpretiert, in der ideologische Formulierungen und radikale Bündnisse im Fluss waren, so dass sie sich nicht leicht in die von der politischen Geschichte bereitgestellten Kategorien einfügen lassen. Die hier vorgelegte Analyse des anarchistischen Gedankenguts und des Aktivismus der Charlotte Wilson im spätviktorianischen Großbritannien interveniert in diese neuere Geschichtsschreibung. Die These bezüglich einer globalen ideologischen Heterogenität wird gestützt und zugleich erweitert, indem die Infragestellung sexueller Hierarchien durch zahlreiche radikale Strömungen aufgezeigt wird. Die überraschenden Bündnisse, die Wilson schloss, um ihre Vorstellungen von einem anarchistischen Sozialismus umzusetzen, unterstreichen den vielgestaltigen Charakter radikaler Politik, zeigen aber zugleich auch den übergreifenden Konsens auf, der die verschiedenen Gruppen einte: ihre gemeinsame Vision einer sozialistischen Zukunft, in der die grundlegenden, doch entgegengesetzten Werte des Selbst und der Gesellschaft verschmelzen. Dieser Konsens ermöglichte Wilsons geschlechtsbewusster Definition des Anarchismus die Anpassung an neue Bedingungen, während Wilson und andere Frauen ihre radikale Vision als Aktivistinnen der Vorkriegs-Frauenbewegung verfolgten.

Susan Hinely. Charlotte Wilson, la “Cuestión de la mujer”, y los significados del anarquismo socialista en el radicalismo tardovictoriano.

La literatura reciente sobre los movimientos radicales a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX han reinterpretado este periodo como una de las claves de la globalización contemporánea. Un periodo en el que las formulaciones ideológicas y las alianzas radicales fueron fluidas y no encajaban en las categorías tradicionalmente asignadas por la historia política. Este análisis de las ideas y del activismo político anarquista de Charlotte Wilson en Gran Bretaña durante los últimos años de la era victoriana es una aportación a esta nueva historiografía que sostiene tanto la tesis de la heterogeneidad ideológica global como añade la perspectiva del reto a la jerarquización sexual que existía en muchas de aquellas propuestas radicales a contracorriente. Las inesperadas alianzas que Wilson estableció a la hora de configurar su socialismo anarquista subrayan la naturaleza flexible de la política radical. Pero también denotan un consenso de amplio espectro que aglutinaba los diversos grupos que se constituía alrededor de la visión común del futuro socialista en el que los valores opuestos, pero fundamentales, del individuo y la sociedad emergerían. Se podría decir que este consenso permitió a la definición de anarquismo basada en el género que elaboró Wilson adaptarse a nuevos contextos en tanto ella y otras socialistas luchaban por configurar su visión radical como activistas en el movimiento feminista anterior a la Primera Guerra Mundial.

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1. George Woodcock's history of anarchism, continuously in print since its initial publication in 1962, with revised editions available in several languages, and still the most widely cited source on the subject, presents this picture of native English anarchism; Woodcock, George, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Peterborough, Ontario [etc.], 2004), pp. 370379. See also Marshall, Peter, Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism (London, 1992), pp. 488491; Goodway, David (ed.), For Anarchism: History, Theory, and Practice (London [etc.], 1989), p. 1; Nettlau, Max, A Short History of Anarchism, Heiner Becker (ed.) (London, 1996), p. 209. The Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin, himself part of the international refugee community in England, may have been the first to describe English anarchism as eccentric. See Miller, Martin, Kropotkin (Chicago, IL [etc.], 1976), p. 169. For histories of English anarchism see Oliver, Hermia, The International Anarchist Movement in Late Victorian London (London [etc.], 1983); Quail, John, The Slow Burning Fuse: The Lost History of the British Anarchists (London [etc.], 1978). See also Goodway, David, Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow: Left-Libertarian Thought and British Writers from Willliam Morris to Colin Ward (Liverpool, 2006); Shpayer-Makov, Haia, “Anarchism in British Public Opinion, 1880–1914,” in Victorian Studies, 31 (1988), pp. 487516.

2. Anderson, Benedict, Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination (London [etc], 2005); Khuri-Makdisi, Ilham, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860–1914 (Berkeley, CA [etc.], 2010); Gandhi, Leela, Affective Communities: Anticolonial Thought, Fin-de-Siècle Radicalism, and the Politics of Friendship (Durham, NC [etc.], 2006); Bayly, C.M., The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Oxford [etc.], 2004); Jürgen Osterhammel and Petersson, Niels P., Globalization: A Short History (Princeton, NJ, 2005); Louise Roberts, Mary, Disruptive Acts: The New Woman in Fin-de-Siècle France (Chicago, IL [etc.], 2002). See also Lake, Marilyn and Reynolds, Henry, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge [etc.], 2008), which tracks a number of the movements and individuals discussed below in its examination of fin-de-siècle white identity.

3. The following discussion is principally drawn from my unpublished Ph.D. thesis, “Charlotte Wilson: Anarchist, Fabian, and Feminist” (Stanford University, CA, 1987). The English journalist, anarchist, and peace activist Nicolas Walter was the first to research Wilson's life and to document her role in late Victorian anarchism. See his entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford [etc.], 2004), and the introduction to his edited collection of Wilson essays: Wilson, Charlotte, Anarchist Essays, Nicolas Walter (ed.) (London, 2000). Walter's thorough and painstaking efforts to locate Wilson in the historical record remind us of the archival challenges of biography, especially of the lives of women. Wilson's emotional life and interpersonal relations can only be inferred from her sporadic presence in the preserved correspondence of prominent men, especially George Bernard Shaw and Karl Pearson.

4. Morris, William, A Dream of John Ball, in Three Works by William Morris, with an introduction by A.L. Morton (London, 1977), p. 53.

5. Like Ilham Khuri-Makdisi in her study of the late Victorian and pre-war global Left, I argue that radicalism in this period “was more often than not a package of (sometimes inchoate) ideas and practices that were not codified, standardized, or homogenized, and in which cleavages between socialism, anarchism, social democracy, Fabianism, and other ideologies did not always or necessarily apply”; Khuri-Makdisi, , Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, p. 8. While Khuri-Makdisi explores this “package of ideas” by focusing on the press in three eastern Mediterranean cities, I find an instructive parallel to her findings in the intersection and re-conception of radical ideas in the small but influential group of late Victorian intellectuals and radicals to which Wilson belonged.

6. Anderson, , Under Three Flags, pp. 1–3. Ilham Khuri-Makdisi also analyzes anarchism in this way in her account of global radical connections in the Arab Ottoman world.

7. The linguistic paradox reproduced in the writing of “feminist” history as something separate from the history of radical democracy is addressed by Denise Riley in “Am I That Name?”: Feminism and the Category of “Women” in History (Minneapolis, MN, 1988). Joan Wallach Scott traces this discursive conundrum in modern French history in Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For the paradox of writing the history of India using names and identities constructed by imperial Britain, see Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, NJ, 2000).

8. On the family's expansive mission and considerable influence see the Rev. Lea, George, Memoir of the Rev. John Davies, M.A. (London, 1859), and Crockford's Clerical Dictionary (London 1858). While Wilson may have broken her intellectual ties to the evangelical tradition by 1876, she renewed her emotional links that year by marrying her cousin, Arthur Wilson, son of the Vicar of Islington, grandson of the Bishop of Calcutta and part of the same evangelical family dynasty.

9. See Taylor, Barbara, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1983). Taylor suggests, as I do here for the late Victorian socialist revival, that the meaning of socialism was inextricable from a notion of women's liberation for members of the early socialist movement. See also Rowbotham, Sheila and Weeks, Jeffrey, Socialism and the New Life: The Personal and Sexual Politics of Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis (London, 1977); Young, G.M., Portrait of an Age: Victorian England (London, 1977).

10. Wilson to Pearson, 8 August 1885, Karl Pearson Papers [hereafter, KPP], Watson Library, University College, London.

11. Wilson to Shaw, 15 July 1889, AM 50512, fo. 161, George Bernard Shaw Papers [hereafter, SP], British Library, London.

12. The Principal of Newnham College, Anne Clough, insisted that higher education for women was a matter of general social improvement, not of “women's rights”, and she instructed her students to steer clear of that phrase. In spite of Clough's efforts, outsiders saw these women as “revolutionaries”; See Blanche Athena Clough, A Memoir of Anne Jemima Clough (London, 1897), p. 195. The women themselves preferred to identify as soldiers for the “Cause”, a placeholder called upon thirty years later to give a name to the women's suffrage movement; see Mary Paley Marshall, What I Remember (Cambridge, 1947), p. 10. Note that Wilson first met at Cambridge the future suffragist leader Millicent Garrett Fawcett, who was present there not as a student, but as the wife of the progressive don Henry Fawcett, and an active supporter, along with her husband, of the Newnham College project. As in the pre-war movement, the battle over women's education reflected real concerns about women wielding power, since Cambridge graduates were entitled to vote on a wide range of university affairs. The struggle from the 1870s until women were admitted to university membership in 1948 can thus be seen as the academic version of the struggle for the national franchise; see McWilliams Tullberg, Rita, “Women and Degrees at Cambridge University, 1862–1897”, in Martha Vicinus (ed.), A Widening Sphere: Changing Roles of Victorian Women (Bloomington, IN, 1977), p. 125.

13. Dr. Henry Maudsley, “Sex in Mind and in Education”, The Fortnightly Review (April 1874); see also Burstyn, Joan N., Victorian Education and the Ideal of Womanhood (London, 1980), pp. 8498.

14. See, for example, “The Family as a Type of Society”, The Anarchist, April 1886; “The Marriage Controversy”, Freedom, October 1888. See also Brooke, Emma, “Each Sex its Own Moralist”, The New Review, December 1895. For a recent study of Henry Maine and his place in the “historical constellation” of new ideas of empire and liberal theory in late Victorian Britain, see Karuna Mantena, Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism (Princeton, NJ, 2010), p. 8.

15. Robert Seeley, John, Ecce Homo: A Survey of the Life and Work of Jesus Christ (London [etc.], 1866), especially pp. 180185, 317–321. See also Rothblatt, Sheldom, The Revolution of the Dons: Cambridge and Society in Victorian England (New York, 1968), p. 160.

16. Both Brooke and Muller continued to work in the women's cause, Brooke as a novelist, most notably as the author of A Superfluous Woman (1894), and Muller as the publisher of The Women's Penny Paper, the first women's newspaper in London. Both women worked with Wilson and the Freedom Group on a number of occasions, though they called themselves socialists rather than anarchists.

17. In expectation that women, rather than working men, might attend some of the day classes, a higher fee was charged for those sessions. But the evening lectures as well were delivered almost entirely to women. See London Society for the Extension of University Teaching, Report of the Council, 1877–1884, Department of Extramural Studies Archive, University of London. See also the numerous reports in the Hampstead and Highgate Express, 1879–1880.

18. See Metropolitan Association for Befriending Young Servants, Annual Reports, 1877–1886, British Library, London. Note that Millicent Garrett Fawcett and other supporters of women's higher education were also involved with the Metropolitan Association. See Blackburn, Helen (ed.), A Handbook for Women Engaged in Social and Political Work (Bristol, 1881), for a sense of the complex web of charitable and educational women's organizations in the early 1880s.

19. See Wilson, Charlotte M., “The Condition of the Russian Peasantry”, Today (July and August 1885). See also Wilson to Pearson, 4 November 1885, KPP. Though short-lived, the Society of Friends of Russia established a basis of support among influential liberals that allowed its successor organization, the Society of Friends of Russian Freedom, to rally anti-tsarist sentiment on an international scale five years later. See Slatter, John, “Stepniak and the Friends of Russia”, Immigrants & Minorities 2 (March 1983), pp. 3349; Grant, Ron, “The Society of Friends of Russian Freedom, 1890–1917: A Case Study in Internationalism”, Scottish Labour History Journal, 3 (1970), pp. 324.

20. Webb to Shaw, 4 November 1884, AM 505553, fos 67–68, SP; MacKenzie, Norman and MacKenzie, Jeanne, The Fabians (New York, 1977), p. 64; McBriar, A.M., Fabian Socialism and English Politics: 1884–1918 (Cambridge, 1962), p. 30.

21. Dr John Burns-Gibson's paper on the relation between anarchism and the Woman Question was so important, in Wilson's view, that it was delivered twice; Wilson to Pearson, 30 March 1886, KPP. See also Wilson to Sparling, 7 March 1886, 3258, Socialist League Archives [hereafter, SLA], International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam; and Brooke to Pearson, 14 March 1886, KPP.

22. Crane, Walter, An Artist's Reminiscences (London, 1907), p. 258.

23. See Freedom (July 1887, October 1887, November 1888).

24. Pease, Edward, “Ethics and Socialism”, The Practical Socialist (January 1886); Pease's views were described by The Anarchist as “Anarchist ethics” (August 1885). In a letter to Marjory Davidson, Sidney Webb equated anarchism with individualism and then agreed that Pease “possesses, as Mrs. Wilson acutely says, the Anarchist mind”; MacKenzie, Norman (ed.), The Letters of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1978), I, p. 121. Although he and his partner Beatrice Webb are the Fabians most closely identified with socialism as the bureaucratic welfare state, Sidney Webb was a close friend and collaborator with Wilson throughout their lives, and in the 1880s he clearly defined anarchism as an important strand within socialist theory; see Webb, Sidney, What Socialism Means (London, 1890).

25. Shaw's article was published in the first issue of The Anarchist (March 1885), and then reprinted in Benjamin Tucker's American anarchist journal, Liberty. See correspondence between Shaw, Seymour, Tucker and Wilson in AM 50510 and 50511, SP.

26. Bernard Shaw, George, The Fabian Society: Its Early History (London, 1892), pp. 34.

27. Idem, The Impossibilities of Anarchism (London, 1893). This was originally published in Annie Besant's journal, Our Corner, in 1888. Kropotkin himself noted in a letter to Shaw that “in politics we are not so very distant from each other”; 7 February 1913, AM 50516, fos 298–299, SP.

28. Simcox, Edith, The Practical Socialist (February 1886).

29. Besant quoted in Ball, W.P., Mrs Besant's Socialism (London, 1886), p. 4. Like Wilson and many other middle-class socialists, the language she used to describe her ideal was resonant with the terms of her lost Christian faith: “Perfect Socialism is consistent with, nay necessary for, perfect Individualism […]. The three are one, just as the Trinity is one, or husband and wife are one; only Socialism is that one”; Our Corner (October 1885).

30. Friedrich Engels was originally asked by the Fabian Executive to draft the collectivist portion of the tract, but he declined; Executive Committee Minutes, 23 December 1885, C 8/13/1, Fabian Society Archives [hereafter, FSA], British Library of Political and Economic Science, London.

31. The Fabian Society, What Socialism Is (London, 1886), p. 7, reprinted in Wilson, Anarchist Essays, pp. 45–53.

32. For the contradictions with regard to the family in classic democratic theory, see Pateman, Carole, The Sexual Contract (Stanford, CA, 1988), and Okin, Susan, Women in Western Political Thought (Princeton, NJ, 1979).

33. Engels, Friedrich, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (New York, 1942), pp. 6566; Fourier is quoted in Taylor, , Eve and the New Jerusalem, p. x.

34. Engels, Friedrich, The Condition of the Working Class in England, (Stanford, CA, 1968), pp. 161162.

35. Commonweal (July 1885).

36. Muller's Women's Penny Paper was relentlessly anti-state, though Muller never identified herself as an anarchist. It reported on women's activities all over the world and explicitly identified international peace with the cause of women.

37. Wilson, Charlotte, “The Marriage Controversy”, Freedom (October 1888).

38. Commonweal (February 1885). The middle-class socialists imagined that the working classes were free from many of the sexual hypocrisies of bourgeois society. According to Bruce Glasier, “men and women of the working classes may more freely choose their companions and company”; J. Bruce Glasier, William Morris and the Early Days of the Socialist Movement (London, 1921), p. 36. Similarly, the equal comradeship and “intimacy of social intercourse” among the young men and women of the Russian nihilist movement were an important part of that socialist myth; Stepniak, Sergei, Underground Russia (London, 1883), p. 8.

39. Edward Carpenter, Towards Democracy, quoted in Tsuzuki, Chushichi, Edward Carpenter, 1844–1929: Prophet of Human Fellowship (Cambridge, 1980), p. 47.

40. E. Nesbit quoted in Langley Moore, Doris, Edith Nesbit: A Biography (London, 1933), p. 72. Nesbit apparently confused Girton College, another of the pioneering experiments in women's education at Cambridge, with Newnham College, a common error. Nesbit, nonetheless, developed a close friendship with Wilson and often stayed at her home on the Heath.

41. E. Belfort Bax, Reminiscences and Reflections of a Mid and Late Victorian (London, 1918), pp. 197198. For a thorough discussion of Bax's views and of the “Woman Question” within the Social Democratic Federation generally, see Hunt, Karen, Equivocal Feminists: The Social Democratic Federation and the Woman Question, 1884–1911 (Cambridge, 1996).

42. Commonweal (28 May 1887).

43. Kelvin, Norman (ed.), The Collected Letters of William Morris (Princeton, NJ, 1987), II, p. 545.

44. See Gemie, Sharif, “Anarchism and Feminism: A Historical Survey”, Women's History Review, 5 (1996), pp. 417444; Sonn, Richard D., Anarchism (New York [etc], 1992), pp. 5559; Hutton, John, “Camile Pissarro's Turpitudes Sociales and Late Nineteenth-Century Anarchist Anti-Feminism”, History Workshop, 24 (1987), pp. 3261. For the prevalence of anti-feminism throughout the socialist movement, see Hubert van den Berg, “Pissarro and Anarchism”, History Workshop, 32 (1991), pp. 226228.

45. Kropotkin, Peter, “Domestic Slavery,” Freedom (July 1891).

46. Morris, William, News From Nowhere (1891), in Three Works by William Morris, pp. 196, 241–243.

47. Pearson, Karl, The Ethic of Freethought and Other Addresses and Essays (London, 1901), p. 355.

48. Brooke to Pearson, 14 March 1886, KPP. For an important study of the sexual politics of middle-class socialism, including an account of “The Men and Women's Club”, to which Brooke and Pearson belonged, and which Wilson followed closely without apparently joining, see Walkowitz, Judith, City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late Victorian London (Chicago, IL, 1992).

49. Henry Broadhurst quoted in Lewis, Jane, “The Working Class Wife and Mother and State Intervention, 1870–1918”, in idem (ed.), Labour and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850–1940 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 99120, 103.

50. Hyndman, H.M., “Women's Labour in Factories”, Justice (1 March 1884).

51. Wilson, C.M., “To the Editor of Justice”, Justice (8 March 1884).

52. Hyndman, H.M. in The Practical Socialist (January 1887).

53. Wilson, C.M., “Women's Labour”, Freedom (July 1887).

54. Haddon, Caroline, Where Does Your Interest Come From? A Word to Lady Investors (London, 1886), pp. 67.

55. Ellis, Edith (Mrs. Havelock Ellis), Attainment (London, 1909) p. 159.

56. Again, this same conversation was going on under different terms within the German socialist movement. Rosa Luxemburg and Clara Zetkin fought the “opportunists” like Edward Bernstein who argued that socialism would evolve gradually through legislated reform. Rosalind Coward concludes that Zetkin's and Luxemburg's “philosophy on the transformation of the position of women was closely bound up with a classical Marxist theory of the total overthrow of capitalist social relations. Thus the defeat of that version of Marxism was a defeat of the woman question in social democratic politics”; Coward, Rosalind, Patriarchal Precedents: Sexuality and Social Relations (London, 1983), p. 177.

57. Wilson, C.M., “What Anarchist-Communism Means”, Freedom (August 1889).

58. Idem, Freedom (October 1888).

59. Note that Justice and Commonweal, although official organs of the Social Democratic Federation and the Socialist League, were likewise financed privately by their respective editors, H.M. Hyndman and William Morris.

60. See letter from Wilson, 11 October 1888, 3260, SLA. Though Wilson was too ill to come in, she prepared the labels and wrappers for that month's Freedom at home and sent them to the office by messenger. At the end of the detailed mailing instructions, Wilson added that she would pay her comrades for the extra work her absence had caused. See also Wilson to Pearson, 26 May 1887, 25 May 1892, KPP.

61. Voynich met and married a Lithuanian refugee, learned Ukranian, and went on to write The Gadfly, a fictionalization of this international revolutionary culture that would itself be later translated into Russian and Chinese as it gained huge popularity in the twentieth-century communist regimes. The book, whose female protagonist “Gemma” was based on Charlotte Wilson, was also made into an opera and a film, with a score by Dmitri Shostakovich.

62. Wilson also found paid teaching and translation positions for Fanny Stepniak.

63. See L'Union Internationale des Femmes (January 1889).

64. See for example Women's Penny Paper (8 March 1890), for a favorable review of Michel's anarchist theater production.

65. See Freedom (December 1890, March 1891, September 1891, February 1892). See also Crane, An Artist's Reminiscences, pp. 258–259, where the frontispiece he designed for the prospectus of the school is reproduced; Nevinson, Henry, Changes and Chances (London, 1923), p. 3.

66. See the following articles by Wilson, Charlotte: “Education by Force”, Freedom (November 1886); “Some Facts About Compulsory Education”, Freedom (January 1888); “Work”, Freedom (July 1888), reprinted in Wilson, Anarchist Essays, pp. 60–65; Freedom, (December 1888, January 1891); “Anarchism IV”, Justice (December 1884). Wilson frequently discussed her child-based theories of mutual aid in her correspondence. See Wilson to Pearson, 22 November 1886, 30 November 1886, KPP; Wilson to Shaw, 10 December 1884, fos 310–314, AM 50510, SP. See also Agnes Henry “Education”, Freedom (September–November 1892); and Freedom (January 1888, March 1891, September 1891 and February 1892).

67. To Michel, England was “le pays de la liberté par excellence”. She was especially impressed by the good manners of the police and the fairness of the criminal justice system; Michel, Louise, Souvenirs et Aventures de ma vie (Paris, 1983), pp. 173179.

68. Malato, Charles, Les Joyeusétés de l'Exil (Paris, 1897), pp. 123, 90.

69. See The Anarchist (January 1889); Freedom (December 1890 and January 1891).

70. Note that both Parsons and Wells were African Americans, perhaps the only non-whites at the time sharing a public podium with British socialists. While the converging and conflicting ideas about race in the socialist and suffragist movements are beyond the scope of this article, Wilson's ties to these women offer another possible window into this issue, especially in the context of Reclus's theories of the reproductive benefits of “racial fusion”. See Elisée Reclus, “East and West”, Contemporary Review, 66 (October 1894), pp. 475487; Fred Charles to the Socialist League, 14 November 1888, 2786, SLA, describing the “splendid success” of Mrs. Parsons's tour; Max Nettlau Archive [hereafter, MNA], Dossier: England, II.2; Freedom (June 1894), for a report on Ida B. Wells's speaking tour “to rouse public opinion against the barbarous exhibitions of race hatred which have lately taken place in the South States of America”, where the laws that should be protecting the Negroes were “worse than useless”.

71. Wilson, C.M., “The Women of the Commune”, Freedom (April 1888). See also the reports of Wilson's speech in Commonweal (24 March 1888), and Justice (24 March 1888): “Mrs. C.M. Wilson said that […] the effect of that revolt was not so much to be noted at the Hotel de Ville as in the homes and in the daily lives of the workers. It was in that direction that they must look for the real meaning of that great uprising.”

72. Wilson, “To the Editor of Justice”, Justice (8 March 1884).

73. See the reports throughout 1887 in Freedom, Justice, Commonweal, Our Corner, and other socialist periodicals, especially “The Chicago Prisoners”, Freedom (September 1887); Wilson, C.M., “The Condemned Anarchists”, Commonweal (12 November 1887); and “The Tragedy of Chicago,” Freedom (December 1887). The additional costs of the Haymarket meetings and petitions were often picked up by Wilson and Morris. See Morris to Baker, 28 October 1887, 2277, SLA; telegram from Sheffield Socialists to Mrs Wilson, 14 October 1887, 1018, SLA. For a recent study of Haymarket see Green, James, Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America (New York, 2006).

74. Freedom (January/February 1894); MNA, Dossier: England, “Freedom”, II. 2.

75. See Freedom (January/February 1894 and August 1894); “Revolution or War”, Freedom (October 1891).

76. MNA, Dossier: England, “Freedom”, II. 2

77. Anarchism and Outrage was translated into Dutch and German, quoted approvingly by Emma Goldman, and was still one of Freedom's better selling pamphlets in the pre-war years. In his study of anarchist political theory, David Miller devotes a full page to the discussion of Wilson's pamphlet as characteristic of the views “among the luminaries of anarchism”; Miller, David, Anarchism (London, 1984), pp. 119120. It is reprinted in Wilson, , Anarchist Essays, pp. 73–80.

78. See above the section “Anarchist Socialism and the ‘Woman Question’ ”.

79. The Wilsons also bought a country home in Oxfordshire. Arthur Wilson appears to have spent most of his time there from 1906 until his death in 1932.

80. The Fabian Women's Group, “To the Members of the Society”, 1908, FSA.

81. Fabian Women's Group Executive Committee, The National Insurance Bill: A Criticism (London, 1911), pp. 9, 25–26. See also Fabian Women's Group Executive Committee, How the National Insurance Bill Affects Women (London, 1912); the report of Wilson's lecture to the Fabian Society on “The Economic Disintegration of the Family,” in Fabian News (July 1909); the interview with Wilson in “Maternity Benefits: Irregular Unions and Their Penalty”, The Standard (3 and 7 November 1911).

82. For recent re-evaluations of the suffrage movement see Nym Mayhall, Laura E., The Militant Suffrage Movement: Citizenship and Resistance in Britain, 1860–1930 (Oxford [etc.], 2003); Rowbotham, Sheila, Dreamers of a New Day: Women Who Invented the Twentieth Century (London [etc.], 2010). For one of the best treatments of the contradictory arguments and mixed meanings within the movement, see Tickner, Lisa, The Spectacle of Women: Imagery of the Suffrage Campaign 1907–14 (Chicago, IL [etc.], 1988).

83. International Women's Suffrage Alliance, Report of the Fifth Conference (1909), in the Fawcett Library Collection, now The Women's Library at London Metropolitan University.

84. Hyndman, H.M., Further Reminiscences (London, 1912), pp. 295296.

85. Pease, Edward, The History of the Fabian Society (London, 1916, 1963), p. 229.

86. Wallas, Graham, “Socialism and the Fabian Society” (1916), in May Wallas (ed.), Men and Ideas (London, 1940).

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