At various stages in writing this article I have been helped greatly by Bob Higgins, Peter Katzenstein, Jonathan Knight, Addie Napolitano, David Nichols, Paul Raskin, anonymous reviewers of International Organization and, especially, Joan Cocks.

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¹⁰ In general on this issue see Morse, Edward L., Modernization and the Transformation of International Relations (New York: Free Press, 1976).Google Scholar

¹¹ For reviews of the literature, see Harrison, Reginald J., Europe in Question (London: Allen and Unwin, 1974)Google Scholar; Charles, Pentland, International Theory and European Integration (New York: Free Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Marie-Elisabeth de, Bussy, Helen, Delorme and Fran¸oise de la, Serre, “Approches théoriques de l'integration européenne,” Revue Fran¸aise de Science Politique 21 (06 1971): 615–653Google Scholar, reprinted in translation in European Integration, Willis, F. Roy, ed. (New York: New Viewpoints, 1975), pp. 84–129Google Scholar. There is a similar omission in two more recent critiques of the general directions of research on European integration—see Nau, , “From Integration to Interdependence,”Google ScholarWarnecke, Steven J., “The Study of the European Community: A Critical Appraisal,” in The European Community, ed. Warnecke, Steven J. (New York: Council of European Studies, 1978), pp. 1–36Google Scholar. A few samples of relevant Marxist works are: Frederick Engels, The Role of Force in History, trans. Ernst, Wangermann (New York: International Publishers, 1969)Google Scholar; Karl, Marx, “Draft of an Article on Friedrich List's Book Das Nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie,” in Karl, Marx and Frederick, Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 4 (New York: International Publishers, 1975), pp. 265–293Google Scholar; Nikolai, Bukharin, Imperialism and World Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Nicos, Poulantzas, “Internationalization of Capitalist Relations and the Nation-State,” Economy and Society 3 (05 1974): 145–179Google Scholar; Robin, Murray, “The Internationalization of Capital and the Nation-State,” New Left Review No. 67 (05–06 1971): 84–109Google Scholar; Ernest, Mandel, “International Capitalism and ‘Supranationality,’” in Socialist Register, 1967, Ralph, Miliband and John, Saville, eds. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967), pp. 27–41Google Scholar; the articles by Mandel, and Murray, together with some other relevant pieces, are reprinted in Hugo, Radice, ed., International Firms and Modern Imperialism (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1975)Google Scholar; Tom, Nairn, “The Left Against Europe?” New Left Review special issue, 75 (09–10 1972)Google Scholar; idem, The Break-Up of Britain (London: New Left Books, 1977), esp. ch. 8Google Scholar; Roger, Lee, “Integration, Spatial Structure and the Capitalist Mode of Production in the EEC,” in Economy and Society in the EEC, Roger, Lee and Ogden, P. E., eds. (Farnborough, England: Saxon House, 1976), pp. 11–37Google Scholar; Ernest, Mandel, Europe vs. America? trans. Martin, Rossdale (London: New Left Books, 1970)Google Scholar; Sol, Picciotto and Hugo, Radice, “Capital and State in the World Economy,” Kapitalistate 1(1973): 56–68.Google Scholar

¹² I use the word “proto-capitalist” simply to designate a society in which capitalism is an emergent, but not yet dominant mode of production. It is thus analogous to the word “protoindustrialization” used by some economic historians to distinguish an environment that is already industrializing, but which is not yet dominated by industrial structures, from pre-industrial economies. See Franklin, Mendels, “Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process,” Journal of Economic History 32 (03 1972): 241.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ See Immanuel, Wallerstein, “The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System: Concepts for Comparative Analysis,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 16 (1974): 387–415.Google Scholar

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²⁵ By legitimation I mean the process by which the politically relevant population actively or passively accepts the existing political arrangements and power structure—of which the state is a vital part—as suitable for its particular society. It is obviously closely connected to the diffusion of a dominant ideology.

²⁶ The concepts of nationalism and nation-state are much abused. Strictly speaking, there have been few nation-states. Early so-called nation-states were in fact territorial states glued together by scattered elites: there was no nation or nationalism in the modern sense anywhere until after the American and French Revolutions. It was only then that the word “nation” became associated with a broadly defined idea of citizenship rather than with the person of the monarch. See Wallerstein, , The Modern World System (N.Y.: Academic Press, 1974), pp. 145–146.Google Scholar Some authors place nationalism in its modern sense first in the seventeenth century in the English Revolution. See Hans, Kohn, Nationalism: Its Meaning and History, rev. ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Van, Nostrand, 1965), pp. 16–18Google Scholar, and Henri, Hauser, La Modernité du XVI^e Ciècle (Paris: Libraire Armand Cohn, 1963), ch. 4Google Scholar. This seems to me premature, since nationhood in the sense I have described did not exist then. Cf. Federico, Chabod, “Was There a Renaissance State?” in The Development of the Modern State, Heinz, Lubasz, ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1964), pp. 27, 30.Google Scholar

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