The Comitato per le Scienze Economiche of the Italian Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche and the Italian Ministero della Pubblica Isturzione finance the research project of which this study is part. I would like to thank them, as well as Patrick Fridenson and David Montgomery, as well as the Bibliotheque de Documentation International Contemporaine.

1. After the war Greek refugees also came. See Yannakakis, I., “Dimitris Vlandas, 1908–1985,” Materiaux pour I' histoire de notre temps 6 (04–06 1986): 23–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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4. Their biographies give an idea of the Russian-American “connection.” Shatov (1887–1943), an IWW member in the U.S., served in the 1930s as head of the Central Board of Railroad Construction. Krasnoshchekov (1880–1937) held important positions as Chairman of the Far Eastern Republic, Deputy Commissar of Finance, chief executive of the Industrial Bank, member of the VSNKh presidium, etc., before being eliminated during the great purges. Melnichansky (1886–1937) was a steelworker and a member of the Odessa soviet in 1905 and a Socialist party member in the U.S. He was to be the chairman of Moscow Trade Unions Council and the president of the textile workers' union first, and a member of the Gosplan presidium and of the RKI collegium later on. He too perished in 1937. Stepan S. Dybets, an anarchist who had been a Wobbly in the U.S., was, along with Mayer, another returnee, the head of the Soviet auto industry in the 1930s. See Berkman, A., The Bolshevik Myth, Diary 1920–22 (London, 1925)Google Scholar; Goldman, E., Living My Life (New York, 1970)Google Scholar; Bol'shaia sovetskaia entsiklopediia; Barmine, A., One Who Survived (New York, 1945), 242Google Scholar; Bek, A., Takova dolzhnost' (Moscow, 1973), 27–158.Google Scholar

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41. Keiro, , “Canadian”Google Scholar; Gonzales, , 40Google Scholar; Vanni, , 46Google Scholar, on the beatings Spanish workers received when they broke production norms.

42. Zalcman, , 96Google Scholar; Scott, , 195.Google Scholar See also Kravchenko, V., I Chose Freedom (Milan, 1948), 387, 392, 468.Google Scholar

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44. Corneli, , 53Google Scholar; Krivitsky, , 51Google Scholar, maintains that the NKVD considered the Schützbundler a nest of spies. See Stajner, , 57Google Scholar, on the officially promoted nationalistic resurgence. In the new climate, Primo Gibelli, a former Fiat worker who had become a Soviet Air Force official and was later to die in Spain, was pensioned off. On that decade's ideological evolutions, see Timasheff, N. S., The Great Retreat (New York, 1946)Google Scholar and Lewin, M., “Grappling with Stalinism,” in Making, 286–314.Google Scholar

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48. Keiro, , “Emigration,” 220Google Scholar; Scott, , 226Google Scholar; Serge, , 345Google Scholar; Stajner, , 57Google Scholar; Zalcman, , 91.Google Scholar

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50. Scott, , 14Google Scholar; Frankfurt, , 68, 74.Google Scholar In 1930 the Magnitogorsk soviet ruled that those working in the open had a “right” to a ten minute break when the temperature was between 20 and 25 degrees Celsius below zero; when the temperature was lower than 31 degrees below zero, the work day was to be reduced by an hour, etc. Only at forty below was work in the open to be stopped for regular workers and at fifty below for forced laborers (in Iz istorii magnitogorskogo, 75).

51. See, for example, Smith, , 68, 217.Google Scholar

52. Strong, , 327Google Scholar; Smith, , 66Google Scholar; Beal, , Proletarian, 234, 264, 269.Google Scholar For protests against stakhanovism and udarnichestvo, see Rückkehrer, 158, 163; Beal, , Foreign Worker, 20–21Google Scholar; Les hommes de Stalingrad, 77; Corneli, , 33Google Scholar; Smith, , 65.Google Scholar

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57. Corneli; Leonetti; and Detti, Andreucci e, Il movimento operaio italiano, Dizionario biografico, 1853–1953, vol. 1–4 (Rome, 1975)Google Scholar for the Italians. Luigi Calligaris, a communist worker from Trieste, and Petrini, an Italian anarchist from Florence, faced prosecution in 1933. See the Italian left opposition paper, Il Prometeo 96 (December 26, 1933) and La Lotta Anarchica 35 (1933). See Kuusinen, , 95–96Google Scholar, for the American-Finns. When the commune was disbanded and its machinery confiscated, some of its members returned to the United States.

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60. Weissberg, A., Conspiracy of Silence (London, 1952)Google Scholar; Zalcman, , 169–70Google Scholar; a letter from Moscow in B. O. (July 1933), attributed the shutdown to lack of kerosene. Contemporary Soviet newspapers spoke of trudnosti.

61. Leonetti, , 65Google Scholar; Andreucci e Detti. During WWII, many Spanish workers made a similar choice and volunteered in the Soviet army. Not all were accepted. Vanni, , 126Google Scholar; Fernández, , 95Google Scholar, writes that seven hundred enlisted and two hundred died.

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63. See the mentioned works by Keiro, Kuusinen, and Ahola. Among the many witnesses who registered the Finns' presence in the camps are Stajner, , 81–82Google Scholar, and Herling. See also, Pike, D. W., “Les Républicains espagnols incarcérés en Urss dans les années 1940,” Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 3/4 (1985)Google Scholar; Livre Blanc, 199 ff. For Italians, see Mieli, P., Togliatti 1937 (Milan, 1965), 89–97Google Scholar; Spriano, P., Storia del partito comunista italiano (Turin, 1970), 3, 241–44Google Scholar; and an article by Miriam Mafai in Repubblica, October 26, 1982. For Poles, see Medvedev, , 270–74Google Scholar; Guarnaschelli, , 322–23.Google Scholar For Yugoslavs, , Stajner, , 11.Google Scholar

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65. For Albertini, see Zacearia, , 84Google Scholar; and Vanni, , 162–64.Google Scholar A Frenchworker, L. Mouchebouf, was arrested for the same reason (18 ans en Urss, 1923–1941 [Edition du Centre, 1942]).

66. See, for example, the Workers News, December 20, 1931 concerning these letters, many of which were seized when their authors were arrested, as in the case of the Italian Costa, a dock-workers' organizer from Venice. The will to “tell the truth” once back in their countries was expressed by Smith's friends as well as by Guarnaschelli, who repeatedly spoke of it in his letter, and by Pussey, a Renault worker who, dying in a camp, regretted that he would not be able to tell of his experiences (Bornet, , 165–69Google Scholar). People like Yvon and Smith acted on their intention to pass on information about what they had observed.

67. One can think of the four thousand who answered the Rückkehrer inquiry, of the hundreds of Americans who fled from Stalingrad, Kharkov and Kuznetsk (Strong, , 317, 326–27Google Scholar; Beal, , Proletarian, 269Google Scholar), or of the thousands of Finns who were able to return.

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69. Serge, , 184Google Scholar; Tarle, , 98.Google Scholar Already in the 1920s, a few German workers wrote of their experience in Russia. See for example In Sowjet Russland (Berlin, 1928).

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71. For anarchists' relationships with the Soviet Union after Kronstadt, see the mentioned works by Berkman, Goldman and Maximoff. For the communist left's position, see the B. O. and its numerous, national counterparts, such as Il Prometeo. The international campaign for Serge's freedom had a huge echo inside the left.

72. Beal, , 234Google Scholar; Smith, , 163–68Google Scholar; Comollo, , 98Google Scholar; and the mentioned passages in Buber-Neuman, Stajner, Weissberg, and Herling.

73. Friedmann, , 107Google Scholar; Ce qu'est devenue la Révolution Russe is the text of the three lectures Yvon gave at St. Etienne.

74. Strong, , 317, 326Google Scholar; Smith, , 43–44, 58–60.Google Scholar

75. Beal, , 281, 288.Google Scholar Cecelia Bucki told me about Smith's reception in Bridgeport.

76. On the Reuthers, besides Victor's memoirs, see Cormier, F., Eaton, W. J., Reuther (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1970)Google Scholar; and Ilyashov, A., “Victor Reuther on the Soviet Experience: An Interview,” International Review of Social History 31 (1986): 298–303.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77. Ahola has been her main critic. Soviet archival data, however, indicate that Kuusinen was at least more precise (see note 14).

78. II Popolo d' Italia published unsigned columns, written in italics, commenting on Calligaris's and Petrini's stories on December 8 and December 27, 1933.

79. In a 1931 secret circular, Togliatti wrote that “there are some comrades who are caught in the anarchists' trap and say that evidence of Ghezzi's guilt will be given by Soviet authorities, thus accepting the anarchists'demands.… We know that a rank-and-file meeting passed a resolution to send a delegation to the USSR in order … to control if [Ghezzi's] arrest was justified.” In Opere (Rome, 1973), vol. 3, 90–92.

80. As late as 1960, when Nazareno Scarioli, returning to Genzano from the Kolyma fields after almost forty years, started to describe his experiences at the party organized for him by the communist local, many deemed him an “old madman.” Pecognaga's plaque honors Bruno Rossi, a former secretary of the local Camera del Lavoro, who went to Russia in 1932, was arrested in the late 1930s, and shot in 1941.