1. Historical research in Burundi has followed a different pattern of evolution from that described here for Rwanda and eastern Kivu. We have therefore omitted Burundi studies from consideration. For a recent assessment, see Chrétien, J.P. “Le Burundi vu du Burundi,” Journal des Africanistes (1977), 176–92.Google Scholar

2. For recent published accounts on Rwanda in English the reader is referred to Lemarchand, René, Rwanda and Burundi, (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Rennie, J.K., “The Precolonial Kingdom of Rwanda: A Reassessment,” Transafrican Journal of History, 2/2(1972), 11–53Google Scholar; Codère, Helen, The Biography of an African Society: Rwanda, 1900-1960 (Tervuren, 1973)Google Scholar; Linden, Ian, Church and Revolution in Rwanda (Manchester, 1977)Google Scholar; and Jan Vansina, The Historical Evolution of the Rwandan Kingdom from its Origins to 1900 (forthcoming), an English translation of his L'évolution du royaume Rwanda dès origines à 1900 (Brussels, 1962).Google Scholar Recent works in French include Kagame, AlexisUn Abrégé de l'Ethnohistoire du Rwanda (2 vols: Butare, 1972–1974)Google Scholar; Smith, Pierre, Le récit populaire au Rwanda (Hague, 1977)Google Scholar; D'Hertefelt, Marcel, Les clans du Rwanda ancien (Tervuren, 1971).Google Scholar

3. Codère, Helen, “Power in Rwanda,” Anthropologica, n.s., 4 (1962), 45–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. Vidal, C., “Le Rwanda des Anthropologues ou la fétischisme de la vache,” Cahiers d'Études Africaines 9(1969), 389–401.Google Scholar

5. Rwandan settlement occurs on the hilltops and along the ridges of the numerous hills of the country. In addition to providing the dominant geographical characteristic of the country, therefore, these hills form the basis of the local community as well.

6. These were particularly stressed in Vansina, L'évolution d'Hertefelt, “Le Rwanda” in d'Hertefelt, , Trouwborst, , and scherer, , Les anciens royaumes de la zone Interlacustre méridionale (Tervuren, 1962).Google Scholar Certain earlier works based on local-level or regional studies were also essential in the formulation of this new perspective. Noteworthy among them were Reisdorff, , “Enquêtes foncières au Rwanda” (unpublished, 1952)Google Scholar; Historique et Chronologie du Ruanda (Kabgayi, 1956)Google Scholar; and Pauwels, M., “Le Bushiru et son Muhinza ou roitelet Hutu,” Annali Lateranensi 31(1967), 205–322.Google Scholar

7. Gravel, Pierre, “Life on the Manor in Gisaka (Rwanda),” JAH, 6(1965), 323–333CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “The Transfer of Cows in Gisaka (Rwanda): A Mechanism for Recording Social Relationships,” American Anthropologist 69(1967), 322-31; idem, “Diffuse Power as a Commodity: A Case Study From Gisaka (Eastern Rwanda),” International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 9(1968), 163-76; idem, Remera: A Community in Eastern Rwanda (Hague, 1968), esp. 149-86. Although Gravel's work preceded that of Vidal, it has had less impact on Rwandan studies for several reasons. It was undertaken in the eastern periphery of Rwanda rather than in the center, and his publications were in English. But most important, clientship in Gisaka may have approached more closely to the ideal of the integrationist model because the harshest aspects were mitigated in recent times by the proximity of the border and by the long period within which clientship was a part of the society. Consequently his reassessment, though important, was less radical than that which emerged from other empirical fieldwork, and so had less of an impact in transforming the conceptual paradigms with which recent research has explored Rwandan client institutions.

8. For the Ugandan side of this mobility see Richards, Audrey, Economic Development and Tribal Change (Cambridge, 1956).Google Scholar

9. d'Hertefelt is in the process of compiling a comprehensive Rwandan bibliography, comprising over 3500 items to date.

10. Rwabukumba, J. and Mudandagizi, V., “Les formes historiques de la dépendence personelle dans l'Etat rwandaise,” Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 14(1974), 6–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Meschi, L., “Evolution des structures foncières au Rwanda: le cas d'une lignage Hutu,” Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 14(1974), 39–51.Google Scholar

12. Gravel, Remera, chapter 12.

13. Vidal, , “L'économie de la société féodale rwandaise,” Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 14(1974), 52–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Without entering into a full analysis of this article, it should be mentioned in passing that, despite the enormous value of both the data presented and the questions posed, this approach employs a global concept applied to Rwandan society in general, and lacking a sense of historical change. For a different approach see Chrétien, J.P., “Echanges et hiérarchies dans les royaumes des Grands Lacs de l'Est africain,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 29(1974), 1327–37.Google Scholar

14. The major exception to this generalization is found in the army prestations cited in Kagame, Les Milices. But even in this case, the more recent (late nineteenth century) prestations cited are often simply extrapolated back to the time of the original army establishment, and hence the chronology of such prestations is not reliable. For the period since 1900 family traditions are valuable but in most cases little is retained for the period before that time. On this general subject see also Leurquin, P., Le niveau de vie des populations rurales du Ruanda-Urundi (Louvain, 1960).Google Scholar

15. There is much interesting material of this nature to be drawn from Codère The Biography of an African Society. This collection of biographies contains many references to individuals working for others during the colonial period. Often these were women working the fields of others.

16. F. Nahimana is currently undertaking a study of pre-Nyiginya state formation in the Rukiga areas of Bugoyi and Ruhengeri in north-western Rwanda; see his “Les Bami ou roitelets Hutu du corridor Nyaborongo-Mukungwa avec ses régions limitrophes” in Etudes Rwandaises 12 [numéro spéciale] March, 1979) 1–25Google Scholar; R. Vanwalle is in the process of completing a research project on nineteenth-century Rusenyi-Bwishaza in western Rwanda (Kinyaga-Kibuye prefectures).

17. Saucier, J.F., “The Patron-Client Relationship in Traditional and Contemporary Southern Rwanda,” (Ph.D., Columbia University, 1974).Google Scholar

18. Maquet, J.J., Le système des relations sociales dans le Ruanda ancien (Tervuren, 1954)Google Scholar; idem, The Premise of Inequality (London, 1962). The term “political clientship” here is taken from Saucier, , “The Patron-Client Relationship,” 74.Google Scholar In brief Saucier defines a “political client” as one whose patron held an official position in the central court bureaucracy. However, at a broader level, as M.C. Newbury shows, all clientship was “political.”

19. Newbury, M.C., “The Cohesion of Oppression: A Century of Clientship in Kinyaga, Rwanda, 1860-1960” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1975).Google Scholar

20. Idem, “Ethnicity in Rwanda: The Case of Kinyaga,” Africa 48(1978), 17-29.

21. Freedman, Jim, “Principles of Relationships in Rwandan Kiga Society” (Ph.D., Princeton University, 1974).Google Scholar

22. In this sense it confirmed the earlier work of d'Hertefelt among the Kiga, a work whose impact among the more recent scholars was limited because it was published in Dutch. See d'Hertefelt, M., “Huwelijk, famille, en aanverwantschap bij de Reera van noordwestelijk Rwaanda,” Zaire 13(1959), 115–47, 243–85.Google Scholar

23. Heusch, Luc de, Le Rwanda et la civilisation Interlacustre (Brussels, 1966).Google Scholar

24. Freedman, , “Joking, Affinity, and the Exchange of Ritual Services among the Kiga of northern Rwanda: An Essay in Joking Relationships.” Man n.s., 12, 1(1976), 154–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25. For example see Freedman, , “Ritual and History: the Case of Nyibingi,” Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 14(1974), 170–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26. Forges, A. Des, “Defeat is the Only Bad News: Rwanda under Musiinga, 1896-1931” (Ph.D., Yale University, 1972).Google Scholar One exception to the general neglect of Rwandan colonial history is Chrétien, J.P., “La révolte de Ndungutse (1912): Forces traditionelles et pression coloniale au Rwanda allemand,” Revue Francais d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 59(1972), 645–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also de Lacger, L.Le Ruanda (Kabgayi, 1939)Google Scholar, part II; and Kagame, , Abrégé, vol.2.Google Scholar

27. Forges, Des, “Kings Without Crowns: The White Fathers in Rwanda” in East African History, ed. Bennett, N.R., McCall, D.F., and Butler, J. (New York, 1969), 176–202.Google Scholar

28. Nahimana, “Bami ou roitelets Hutu.”

29. Lugan, Bernard, “Le commerce de traite au Rwanda sous le régime allemand (1896-1916),” Canadian Journal of African Studies, 11(1977), 235–68Google Scholar; idem, “Les pôles commerciaux du Lac Kivu à la fin du XIXe siècle,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer 64(1977), and “Les reseaux commerciaux au Rwanda dans le dernier quart du XIXe siècle,” Etudes d'Histoire Africaine 9/10(1977/78), 183–212. Lugan's, doctoral thesis, “L'économie d'échange au Rwanda de 1850 à 1914” (Doctorat de 3me Cycle, Aix-en-Provence, 1976)Google Scholar was not available to us.

30. Idem, “Causes et effets de la famine ‘Rumanura’ au Rwanda, 1916-1918,” Canadian Journal of African Studies 10(1976), 347-56.

31. Within the field of religious history Linden's Church and Revolution is an important contribution, but much remains to be done in terms of religious history “from below,” including such subjects as the East African Revival in Rwanda, as well as work on non-Christian religions. See Berger, Iris, “The Kubandwa Religious Complex of Interlacustrine East Africa: An Historical Study, c. 1500-1900” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1973)Google Scholar; De Heusch, Le Rwanda; Vidal, , “Anthropologie et histoire: le cas du Rwanda,” Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie 43(1967), 143–57Google Scholar; Kagame, A., “L'historicité de Lyangombe, Chef des ‘Immandwa’,” in CERUKI (Centre de recherches universitaires du Kivu), Lyangombe: Mythes et Rites (Bukavu, 1976), 17–29Google Scholar; Robins, C., “Rwanda: A Case Study in Religious Assimilation” (Paper delivered to the Dar es Salaam Conference on the History of African Religions, 1970)Google Scholar; Freedman, , “Ritual and History” 170–180.Google Scholar Also this brief survey has not considered recent research in other fields of potential interest to historians: Francis van Noten, Les tombes du roi Cyirima Rujugira et de la reine-mère Nyirayuhi Kanjogera: déscription archéologique; several articles in Etudes d'Histoire Africaines 9/10(1977/1978)Google Scholar; several studies of popular literary genres by Smith, Le récit populaire; “La lance d'une jeune fille” in Pauillon, J. et Maranda, P., Échanges et Communications, II(Hague, 1970), 1381–1409Google Scholar; “Aspects de l'organisation des rites,” in Izard, H. and Smith, P., La Fonction Symbolique (Paris, 1979), 139–70Google Scholar; and the linguistic work of Andre Coupez et al, whose dictionary of Kinyarwanda promises to include a wealth of essential data for students of Rwandan history and society. Finally, a recent nutritional study may. provide interesting insights for studies of the Rwandan past as well as guidelines for the future; see Vis, H., Yourassousky, , and van der Borght, H., Un Enquête de Consumation alimentaire en Republique Rwandaise (Butare, 1972).Google Scholar

32. An important beginning to this regional approach is found in Sigwalt, R. “Early Rwandan History: The Contribution of Comparative Ethnography” HA, 2(1975), 137–46.Google Scholar This type of analysis is also found in A History of Kigezi in Southwestern Uganda ed. Denoon, Donald (Kampala, 1972)Google Scholar, Freedman, “Principles of Relationships”; Gravel, Remera; De Heusch, Le Rwanda; Newbury, “The Cohesion of Oppression”; and Rennie, “Precolonial Kingdom of Rwanda.” But such regional considerations are still the exception rather than the norm.

33. General introductions to the area are found in J. Vansina, “Introduction” to d'Hertefelt, Trouwborst, and Scherer, Les Anciens royaumes and Cuypers, J.B., “Les Bantous Interlacustres du Kivu” in Vansina, J., ed. Introduction à l'ethnographie du Congo (Kinshasa, 1967).Google Scholar But the major ethnographic monograph for Bushi is Colle, P., “Essai de Monographie des Bashi” (mimeo, 1937).Google Scholar Until the mid-seventies the major published history on Bushi was Masson, P.Trois siècles chez les Bashi (Tervuren, 1962)Google Scholar, itself a condensation of Catholic missionary documents collected mostly in the 1930s and 1940s. For other regions the historical work most frequently cited is Ladderssous, A. Moeller de, Les grandes lignes des migrations des Bantous dans la Province Orientale (Brussels, 1936).Google Scholar C. Bashizi has correctly pointed out that there is a large bibliography of works that touch on Kivu history; nonetheless, it remains true, as Bashizi's own work illustrates, that most recent historical analysis has been based on an extremely narrow range of sources. For a more complete consideration of source of the region, for the colonial as well as precolonial periods and including both published and unpublished works, see Cirhagarhula, Bashizi, “Histoire du Kivu: sources écrites et perspectives d'avenir,” Likundoli Ser. B., 4(1976), 65–114Google Scholar, and Bakwa-Lufu, , Canda-Ciri, Njangu, and Rusibiza, Sebigamba “L‘UNAZA’ Bukavu et la Connaissance du Kivu, Inventaire Bibliographique,” Antennes 5(1977), esp. 411–32.Google Scholar These provide an overview of the sources available, but such sources are of highly variable quality; to date no work has fully utilized them and there is as yet no critical analysis of them. Unfortunately many of the recent theses and Mémoires of UNAZA at Lubumbashi and Bukavu are not available to us.

34. Before 1974, of course, many other publications by Zairean scholars had appeared in numerous journals, but never had an international historical journal combined so many Zairean scholars writing with a common regional focus.

35. As testimony to the nature and quality of the UNAZA research program the Department of History at Lubumbashi established three journals as outlets for work of various types: Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, Likondoli (Serie A, Serie B) and Enquêtes et Documents d'Histoire Africaine. In addition, the multidisciplinary journal Antennes, published by the Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Universitaires au Kivu (CERUKI) affiliated with the Institut Superieur Pédagogique (UNAZA) in Bukavu, has included many valuable contributions by historians.

36. (Tervuren, 1970).

37. Lumanyisha, Dikonda wa, “Les rites chez les Bashi et les Bahavu” (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1972).Google Scholar

38. Sosne, E., “Kinship and Contract in Bushi: A Study of Village Level Politics” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1974).Google Scholar

39. Sigwalt, R., “The Early History of Bushi: An Essay in the Historical Use of Genesis Traditions” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1975)Google Scholar; esp. ch. 5. Sigwalt distinguishes between three levels of political conceptualization: the concept of kingship (ubwami), the claims of the royal dynasty to represent those concepts, and the legitimacy of a particular descent line within the dynasty, but concentrates on the first two.

40. Moeller, Les Grandes Lignes; Masson, Trois Sièoles chez le Bashi. Both mention a proximate origin of the royal family in Lwindi, southwest of Bushi, but this is seen as but a stopping point in a longer migration; kingship norms are assumed to be general to the migration from the north.

41. For an earlier work of this genre see Bishikwabo, , “Deux chefs du Bushi sous le régime colonial: Kabare et Ngweshe (1912-1960)” Etudes d'Histoire Africaine 7(1975), 89–112.Google Scholar Among Bishikwabo's other publications on Bushi see “L'économie d'échange dans les états précoloniaux du Sud-Kivu du XIXe siècle a 1920” (paper presented to the conference “Journées d'Historiens du Zaire,” Lubumbashi 1975); “Les relations exterieures du Kaziba au XIX siecle,” (paper presented to the conference “Journees d'Historiens Zairois,” 1977); “Le Bushi: Un peuple, sept royaumes,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre MerGoogle Scholar; “Interprétation du rite du remerciement à Lyangombe” in Lyangombe: Mythe et Rites 173–81.Google Scholar

42. For some of the results of this work see Cenyange Lubula“L'Origine de Lyangombe d'après les Bashi” in ibid., 129–33; Canda-Ciri, Njangu, “Muzungu: L'arrivée des premiers Européens au Bushi,” Enquêtes et Documents d'Histoire Africaine, 1(1975), 27–45Google Scholar (a translation of a text of Nyakandolya Cibagula recorded by Abbé Bakarongotane); and text #6 by Nyakandolya in Sigwalt, “The Early History of Bushi,” 298–314Google Scholar (from a text provided by Abbé Cenyange).

43. Njangu Canda-Ciri, “La resistance Shi à la pénétration européenne (1900-1920),” Mémoire de License en histoire; UNAZA-Lubumbashi; 1973); idem, “Muzungu;” idem, “Notes sur les sources orales de la première resistance Shi,” Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, 7(1975), 203-06; idem, “La secte de Binji-Binji ou la renaissance de la resistance des Bashi (Juillet-septembre 1931)” in Lyangombe, 121-28.

44. Kagabo, Pilipili, “Contribution à la connaissance des origines du centre de Bukavu (Kivu) de 1870 à 1935,” (Mémoire de License en Histoire, UNAZA-Lubumbashi, 1973).Google Scholar

45. Vracem, P. van, “La frontière de la Rusizi-Kivu de 1884 à 1910: Conflit Germano-Congolais et Anglo-Congolais en Afrique orientale,” (Ph.D., Université Officielle du Congo-Elizabethville, 1958)Google Scholar; Moulin, L. de Saint, “Les Anciens villages des environs de Kinshasa,” Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, 2(1971), 83–119.Google Scholar

46. For many other works of this general tendency for the Shi areas, see the entries cited in Bashizi, “Histoire du Kivu,” for Bagisha, Babizi Balolebwami, Biganga, Bifuko, Bimanyu, Bishikwabo, B., Bishikwabo, C., Bizuru, Bweyamimwe, Balakali, Greindl, Kalemaza, Kashamura, Kashara, Kirhero, Kiwanuka, Maheshe, Mahenge, Muhima, Murizihirwa, Mushagasha, Mushaka, Nkubiri, Singaye.

47. In one important respect, however, the use of Shi informants apparently skewed the data in such a way as to emphasize Havu differences from Shi practices. Early missionary documents (and largely on that basis, early administrative documents also) present the succession practices of the Havu as based on the institution of the “mumbo” -- whereby the king was married to his classificatory sister (or niece) and the legitimate heir resulted from this marriage alone. In fact this has never been a Havu practice, at least as far back as the early nineteenth century, the time depth for which queen mothers can be traced. However, this custom of the “mumbo” marriage does exist among the Tembo, to the west of the Mitumba Mountains, and may well have existed in the present areas of Havu kingship before the arrival of the Havu royal line in the mid-nineteenth century. It would appear therefore that a non-Havu informant simply ascribed to the Havu another custom practiced in the area, one particularly bizarre to the Shi. Since Havu are classified as non-Shi, and therefore as people of the forest (“Babembe”) to many Shi, it is but a short step to ascribe to them customs of the “forest peoples” (such as the Tembo) which do not in fact apply.

48. This work includes Bifuko, B. “Contribution à l'étude de l'évolution des sociétés humaines: cas du mode de production des Havu de la région interlacustre.” (Mémoire de License; UNAZA-Lubumbashi, 1973)Google Scholar; Kalemaza, , “Le développement de l'agriculture au Kivu colonial (1903-1940)” (Mémoire de License; UNAZA-Lubumbashi, 1973)Google Scholar; Kashamura, K. “Occupation économique du Kivu (1920-1940)” (Mémoire de license, UNAZA-Lubumbashi, 1973)Google Scholar; Kirhero, Ns., “Evolution politique des localités de Lugendo et Ishungu (1830-1964)” (Mémoire de License, ISP-Bukavu, 1977)Google Scholar; Murhebwa, L-K. “Histoire politique d'Idjwi sous les Basibula: Essai de périodisation (début XIXe s. à 1960)” (Travail de fin d'études, ISP-Bukavu, 1976).Google Scholar

49. Newbury, David S., “Kings and Clans: Ijwi Island, c. 1780-c. 1840” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1979).Google Scholar

50. As of now very little historical research has been carried out for the areas of Buhunde, Bunyanga, or Bwisha.

51. One exception to this is the published work of Fr.Bergmans, L., especially L'histoire des Baswaga (Butembo, 1970)Google Scholar; Les Wanande: Croyances et practiques traditionelles (Butembo, 1971)Google Scholar; and Histoire des Bashu (Butembo, 1974).Google Scholar Among the unpublished documentation on the Banande see the theses at the Institut Supérieur Pédagogique in Bukavu of Butala, M., “Occupation coloniale Belge au Bunande (1889-1935);” Kakiranyi, K. “Le couronnement du Mwami dans la tradition Nande”; Kaligho, E., “Le munande face au Christianisme;” Katembo, M., “La resistance passive du Munande face a l'action coloniale en agriculture”; Kifimoja, Sh., “Intronisation du chef traditional Nyanga;” Kyakimwa, K. “L'évolution de la dot chez les Banande;” Mahindule, Nk., “Historique de la cité de Lubero (1924-1974);” Malikani, Nd., “Le Buswaga sous le règne de Mwami Biondi;” Mtoto, K., “L'évolution du commerce dans le centre de Butembo (1928-1958);” Saruti, K., “Histoire du Protestantisme au Bunande (1928-1973).” Those found in Lubumbashi include Lubigho, K., “L'impact de la colonisation sur l'organisation politique traditionnelle des Wanande du Nord-Kivu: cas de la chefférie des Batangi;” those at Kinshasa include Paluku, D., “Du régime foncière chez les Nande;” Waruwene, R., “Le chef traditionnel chez les Banande du Kivu.”

52. Packard, Randall, “The Politics of Ritual Control among the Bashu of Eastern Zaire During the Nineteenth Century” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1976).Google Scholar

53. Bailey, F.G., Stratagems and Spoils (New York, 1969)Google Scholar; Southall, A.W., Alur Society (London, 1956).Google Scholar

54. Though this problem is not directly addressed in the thesis, Packard has explored a similar aspect of Shu history in a preliminary paper, “Witchcraft: The Historical Dimension” (Paper delivered to the African Studies Association, Baltimore, 1978).

55. Other recent work of this type includes Lévi-Strauss, C., “The Story of Asdiwal” in The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism ed. Leach, E.R. (London, 1967)Google Scholar; idem, Structural Anthropology (New York, 1963); Wrigley, C., “The Story of Rukidi,” Africa 43(1973) 219–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heusch, L. de, Le roi ivre (Paris, 1972)Google Scholar and Feierman, Steven, The Shambaa Kingdom (Madison, 1974)Google Scholar, ch. 4.

56. Depelchin, Jacques, “From Precapitalism to Imperialism: A History of Social and Economic Formations in Eastern Zaire (Uvira Zone), c. 1800-1964” (Ph.D., Stanford University, 1974).Google Scholar

57. By this we do not of course mean that carefully conducted local research in unimportant, but locally-determined monographs are not an end in themselves. They can best be carried out when they relate not only to other areas, but to the larger historical issues, which both guide research and give meaning to it.

58. Some valuable work has already begun on these topics; for example, Lyangombe, as well as Dikonda wa Limanyisha, “Les Rites chez les Bashi.”

59. An excellent discussion of sources, approaches, biases, and opportunities for such studies in Sosne, E. “Of Biases and Queens: the Shi Past Through an Androgynous Looking Glass,” HA, 6(1979), 225–52.Google Scholar