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The histories of ancient Greece and Rome are part of a shared European heritage, and a foundation for many modern Western social and cultural traditions. Their printing and circulation during the Renaissance helped to shape the identities of individual nations, and create different reading publics. Yet we still lack a comprehensive understanding of the forms in which works of Greek and Roman history were published in the first centuries of the handpress age, the relationship between the ideas contained within these texts and the books as material objects, and thus the precise nature of the changes they effected in early modern European culture and society. This article provides the groundwork for a reassessment of the place of ancient history in the early modern world. Using new, digital resources to reappraise existing scholarship, it offers a fresh evaluation of the publication of the ancient historians from the inception of print to 1600, revealing important differences that alter our understanding of particular authors, texts, and trends, and suggesting directions for further research. It also models the research possibilities of large-scale digital catalogues and databases, and highlights the possibilities (and pitfalls) of these resources.

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History Department, University of Exeter, Amory Building, Rennes Drive, Exeter, ex4


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1 Burke, Peter, ‘A survey of the popularity of ancient historians’, History and Theory, 5 (1966), pp. 135–52.

2 For a comprehensive assessment of the role of history in early modern Europe, see Grafton, Anthony, What was history? The art of history in early modern Europe (Cambridge, 2007). Work drawing upon Burke includes Whitfield, J. H., ‘Livy>Tacitus’, in Bolgar, R. R., ed., Classical influences on European culture, a.d. 1500–1700 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 281–93; Peltonen, Markku, Classical humanism and republicanism in English political thought, 1570–1640 (Cambridge, 1995); Osmond, Patricia J., ‘“Princeps Historiae Romanae”: Sallust in Renaissance political thought’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, 40 (1995), pp. 103–43; Nelson, Eric, The Greek tradition in republican thought (Cambridge, 2004); Sowerby, Robin, ‘Ancient history’, in Braden, Gordon, Cummings, Robert, and Gillespie, Stuart, eds., The Oxford history of literary translation in England, ii: 1550–1660 (Oxford, 2010), pp. 301–11; Chernaik, Warren, The myth of Rome in Shakespeare and his contemporaries (Cambridge, 2011); Hicks, Philip, ‘The ancient historians in Britain’, in Hopkins, David and Martindale, Charles, eds., The Oxford history of classical reception in English literature, iii: 1660–1790 (Oxford, 2012), pp. 569–91.

3 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 135.

4 See, for example, Syme, Ronald, ‘Roman historians and Renaissance politics’, in Society and history in the Renaissance: a report of a conference held at the Folger Library on April 23 and 24, 1960 (Washington, DC, 1960), pp. 810; Burke, Peter, The Renaissance sense of the past (London, 1969); Kewes, Paulina, ed., The uses of history in early modern England (San Marino, CA, 2006); Momigliano, Arnaldo, The classical foundations of modern historiography (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, 1990); Ianziti, Gary, Writing history in Renaissance Italy: Leonardo Bruni and the uses of the past (Cambridge, MA, 2012).

5 Andrew Pettegree, The book in the Renaissance (New Haven, CT, 2010), pp. xiv, 65–7, 69–74.

6 Kraye, Jill and Stone, M. W. F., eds., Humanism and early modern philosophy (London, 2000), p. xii. See also Bushnell, Rebecca, A culture of teaching: early modern humanism in theory and practice (Ithaca, NY, 1996); Hankins, James, ed., Renaissance civic humanism: reappraisals and reflections (Cambridge, 2000).

7 For more information, see

8 Including Palau y Dulcet, A., Manual del librero Hispano-Americano (Barcelona, 1948–77), cited in Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 139.

9 The USTC is currently being extended into the seventeenth century, but coverage is incomplete, so I have avoided it here.

10 On the lack of other useful evidence, see Raven, James, The business of books: booksellers and the English book trade, 1450–1850 (New Haven, CT, 2007), p. 374.

11 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, pp. 138–41.

12 For example, Hankins, James, ‘Humanism in the vernacular: the case of Leonardo Bruni’, in Celenza, Christopher S. and Gouwens, Kenneth, eds., Humanism and creativity in the Renaissance: essays in honour of Ronald G. Witt (Leiden, 2006), pp. 1129; Galloway, Andrew, ‘John Lydgate and the origins of vernacular humanism’, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 107 (2008), pp. 445–71; Brian Jeffrey Maxon, ‘“This sort of men”: the vernacular and the Humanist movement in fifteenth-century Florence’, I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance (Sept. 2013), pp. 257–71. For recent considerations of decisions to write and/or print in Latin or a vernacular, see Bloemendal, Jan, Bilingual Europe: Latin and vernacular cultures, examples of bilingualism and multilingualism, c. 1300–1800 (Leiden, 2015).

13 These issues are highlighted by the various essays in Fernández, José Mariá Pérez and Wilson-Lee, Edward, eds., Translation and the book trade in early modern Europe (New York, NY, 2014). See also the various volumes compiled by Fehrenbach, R. J. and Leedham-Green, Elisabeth, Private libraries in Renaissance England: a collection and catalogue of Tudor and early Stuart book-lists (Binghamton, NY, 1992– ); Adams, H. M., Catalogue of books printed on the continent of Europe, 1501–1600, in Cambridge libraries (Cambridge, 1967).

14 On print runs, see, for example, McKenzie, D. F., ‘Printers of the mind: some notes on bibliographical theories and printing-house practices’, Studies in Bibliography, 22 (1969), pp. 175, at pp. 13–14; Richardson, Brian, Printing, writers and readers in Renaissance Italy (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 21ff; Buringh, Eltjo and van Zanden, Jan Luiten, ‘Charting the “rise of the West”: manuscripts and printed books in Europe, a long-term perspective from the sixth through eighteenth centuries’, Journal of Economic History, 69 (2009), pp. 409–45, at p. 415.

15 See, for example, Richardson, Brian, Manuscript culture in Renaissance Italy (Cambridge, 2014); Love, Harold and Marotti, Arthur F., ‘Manuscript transmission and circulation’, in Loewenstein, David and Mueller, Janel, eds., The Cambridge history of early modern England literature (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 5580.

16 Barbier, Frederic, ‘Bouquinistes, libraires spécialisés’, in Chartier, Roger and Martin, Henri-Jean, eds., Histoire de l’édition française, iii: Le temps des éditeurs, du romantism à la belle époque (Paris, 1990); Walsby, Malcolm, ‘Book lists and their meanings’, in Walsby, Malcolm and Constantinidou, Natasha, eds., Documenting the early modern book world: inventories and catalogues in manuscript and print (Leiden, 2013), pp. 610; Nuovo, Angela, The book trade in the Italian Renaissance (Leiden, 2013). The phenomenon was not limited to books: see Fontaine, Laurence, ed., Alternative exchanges: second-hand circulations from the sixteenth century to the present (New York, NY, 2008), pp. 112.

17 Pettegree, Andrew, Walsby, Malcolm, and Wilkinson, Alexander, eds., French vernacular books: books published in the French language before 1601 (2 vols., Leiden, 2007), p. ix.

18 Thucydides, , L'histoire contenant les guerres qui ont esté entre les Peloponesiens et les Atheniens (Paris, 1555), USTC 49556, 49557, 29885, 56017, 56708, 60329, 60330, 89543. On terminology, see Belanger, Terry, ‘Descriptive bibliography’, in Peters, Jean, ed., Book collecting: a modern guide (New York, NY, and London, 1977), pp. 97101.

19 Plutarch is a prime example of this, and printing in France and Switzerland is particularly notable for publishing practices giving rise to different states of a ‘book’ within the same edition; these examples will occur in my survey with somewhat greater frequency than would otherwise be the case, though they do not distort the general trends unduly.

20 This has been done wherever possible. Of the books initially appearing doubtful, in themselves no more than 5 per cent of the total sample, I have been able to verify over 75 per cent. However, it has not been possible to inspect a copy of every one of the >2,000 books in hard copy in the course of this study, though I hope, in time, to do so; the collections in which some sole copies survive are spread around the world, and their examination calls for substantial resourcing, and there are still some books about whose contents I am unsure.

21 For example, I have counted as ‘Plutarch’ the following: Homer, , De homeri vita homeri opera Graecolatina, quae quidem nunc extant omnia: praeter operam Sebastiani castalionis, nunc ad postremam Henrici Stephani, ac aliorum quorundam editionem diligenter collata, ac fideliter expressa. Quibus accessit item commentarij vice liber Plutarchi de homero. Cum indicibus locupletißimis. Liber de homero (Basel, 1582), USTC 663912. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to the frequent inclusion of this pseudo-Plutarchan biography in the works of Poliziano (see, for example, Ford, Philip, De Troie à Ithaque (Geneva, 2007)), as well as in the various editions of Homer. I have not found the work to be advertised on the title page of editions of Poliziano, so these are not included in here; and to give an indication of scale, I have found only ten instances where Plutarch's name being advertised as author of the Life of Homer in the title of the book in question, out of more than 300 books of Plutarch's Lives printed to 1600.

22 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 136.

23 Xenophon, , Ein sehr liebliche historische narration oder erzelung von dem edlen jungen helde dem Hercule; aus dem Xenophonte genommen und mit schonen Außlegungen erkleret (Barth, 1593), USTC 646762.

24 My emphasis. Xenophon, , Xenophontis socratici rhetoris Hieron sive tyrannus, liber utilissimus his qui rempublicam administrant, Des. Erasmo Roterodamo interprete. Opus recens (Basel, 1530), USTC 707481.

25 Xenophon, , L'opere morali (Venice, 1558), USTC 864005. On rare occasions, I have simply had to guess whether a book contains histories or not: for example, Xenophon, , Selecta quaedam e Xenophontis operibus (Rome, 1588), STC 864016, the only extant copies of which are held in Italian libraries I have not yet been able to visit.

26 Burke, Peter, ‘Translating histories’, in Burke, Peter and Hsia, R. Po-chia, eds., Cultural translation in early modern Europe (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 133–7; see also Dionisotti, Carlotta, ‘Les chapitres entre l'historiographie et le roman’, in Fredouille, Jean-Claude, Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile, Hoffmann, Philippe, and Petitmengin, Pierre, with Deléani, Simone, eds., Titres et articulations du texte dans les oeuvres antiques: actes du colloque international de Chantilly, 13–15 décembre 1994 (Paris, 1997), pp. 529–47; Demetriou, Tania and Tomlinson, Rowan, eds., The culture of translation in early modern England and France, 1500–1660 (Basingstoke, 2015).

27 As explained above, n. 20, I have examined as many of the full texts as I have been able to access, but not yet the entire sample.

28 Plutarch, , Le tresor des vies de Plutarque, contenant les beaux dicts & faits, sentences notables, responses, apophthegmes, & harangues des Empereurs, Roys, Ambassadeurs & Capitaines, tant Grecs que Romains: aussi des philosophes & gens sçauans (Antwerp, 1567), USTC 48165.

29 Works by pseudo-Josephus, widely believed to be authentic in the medieval and early modern tradition, include the book of Josippon, attributed to ‘Joseph Ben-Gorion’. This was the so-called ‘Hebrew’ version of Josephus, drawing on Jewish sources for the period other than Apocrypha and Josephus. See Irina Wandrey, ‘Jossipon’ [sic], in Brill's New Pauly Online,; see also Neuman, Abraham A., ‘Josippon and the Apocrypha’, Jewish Quarterly Review, 43 (1952), pp. 126. Grafton, Anthony and Weinberg, Joanna, I have always loved the Holy Tongue: Isaac Casaubon, the Jews, and a forgotten chapter in Renaissance scholarship (Cambridge, MA, 2011), pp. 206–16, discuss Joseph Scaliger's and Casaubon's appreciation of the difference between the historical Josephus and the Josippon, a distinction not commonly made by sixteenth-century readers. A fourth-century ad Latin reduction or ‘free translation’ of the Jewish wars, the so-called Latin Hegesippus, was also popular in early modern Europe, and elided with Josephus: see Feldman, Louis H., ‘Flavius Josephus revisited: the man, his writings, and his significance’, in Temporini, Hildegard and Haase, Wolfgang, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, Teil 2, Band 21, Halbband 2 (Berlin, 1984), pp. 770–5; and Bell, Albert A., ‘Josephus and pseudo-Hegesippus’, in Feldman, Louis H. and Hata, Gohei, eds., Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity (Detroit, MI, 1987), pp. 349–61.

30 My emphasis. Corradi, Sebastiano, Sebastiani corradi egnatius, sive quaestura, cuius praecipva capita haec sunt: M. T. Ciceronis vita undique collecta, & defensa. Multa è Plutarcho, caeterisque Graecis conversa (Basel 1556), USTC 692731.

31 See also above nn. 20, 27.

32 Rerum a se gestarum commentaria (Geneva, 1586), USTC 452125; De bello gallicao commetarii VII (Geneva, 1574), USTC 452228.

33 Suetonius, , Vida de los doce cesares (Madrid, 1579), USTC 341986.

34 Pettegree, , Walsby, , and Wilkinson, , eds., French vernacular books; Pettegree, Andrew and Walsby, Malcolm, eds., Netherlandish books: books published in the Low Countries and Dutch books printed abroad before 1601 (2 vols., Leiden, 2010); Wilkinson, Alexander, Iberian books: books published in Spanish or Portuguese or on the Iberian Peninsula before 1601 (Leiden, 2010); Pettegree, Andrew and Walsby, Malcolm, eds., French books: books published in France before 1601 in Latin and languages other than French (2 vols. Leiden, 2011).

35 Homepages for the three bibliographies may be found at:;;

36 Josephus, , The fardle of facions (London, 1555), USTC 505168.

37 Victor, Aurelius, De viris illustribus liber. De Claris grammaticis et rhetoribus liber. Prodigiorum liber imperfectus (Paris, 1545), USTC 149360.

38 USTC 146274 is one example where several authors are named.

39 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 138.

40 The exceptions are Livy, Florus, Curtius, and Josephus. Livy was printed 25 times in German, compared with 21 in Italian, and 57 in French. Florus was printed 8 times in German, 4 in Italian, and 5 in French. Curtius was not printed in German, compared with 11 times in French, 6 in Italian, and 7 in English. Josephus was printed 53 times in German, compared with 30 in Italian, and 62 in French.

41 Wilkinson, Alexander S., ‘Vernacular translation in Renaissance France, Spain, Portugal and Britain: a comparative survey’, Renaissance Studies, 29 (2015), pp. 1935; Merisalo, Outi, ‘Translating the classics into the vernacular in sixteenth-century Italy’, Renaissance Studies, 29 (2015), pp. 5577.

42 Oakes, Leigh, Language and national identity: comparing France and Sweden (Amsterdam, 2001), p. 56; Campbell, Stephen J. and Milner, Stephen J., eds., Artistic exchange and cultural translation in the Italian Renaissance city (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 13.

43 Rizzi, A., Vernacular translators in Quattrocento Italy: scribal cultural, authority, and agency (Turnhout, 2017); Binotti, Lucia, ‘Cultural identity and ideologies of translation in sixteenth-century Europe’, History of European Ideas, 14 (1992), pp. 769–88, at pp. 770–2; Gambarota, Paola, Irresistible signs: the genius of language and Italian national identity (Toronto, ON, 2011), pp. 6, 912.

44 It is unprofitable to re-enter the debate about the total number of copies in circulation here. Estimates of average print runs in the early modern period seem to converge on 1,000 as a plausible number: see above, n. 14. See also Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 136, where, citing Renouard's 1908 Bibliography of Josse Badius, he notes that an edition of Thucydides printed in French in 1527 ran to 1,225 copies.

45 I have not collected evidence for other authors as carefully as for the ancient historians, but a brief search in the USTC indicates that there were perhaps 1,500 editions of Ovid produced to 1600, and a similar number of Vergil; there were almost 5,000 editions of works by Martin Luther, some 2,000 by Melanchthon, approximately 3,000 by Erasmus, and nearly 700 by Calvin.

46 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 136.

47 See Proctor, Robert, The printing of Greek in the fifteenth century (Oxford, 1900); Barker, Nicholas, Aldus Manutius and the development of Greek script and type (2nd edn, New York, NY, 1992).

48 For example, Cassius Dio: of the 35 books printed in the ancient languages by the end of the sixteenth century, 27 were in Latin, with the remaining 9 in bilingual Greek–Latin editions. The first edition containing the Greek text was not published until 1547 (USTC 149894), by which time 13 Latin books had been printed, along with 3 Italian translations, and 1 in French.

49 Bloch, Rene, ‘Iosephus Flavius (Flavius Josephus), Bellum Iudaicum’, in Walde, Christine and Egger, Brigitte, eds., The reception of classical literature, Brill's New Pauly Supplements (5th edn, Leiden, 2012), p. 193; Smith, Pauline M., ‘The reception and influence of Josephus' Jewish war in the late French Renaissance, with special reference to the Satyre Menippée’, Renaissance Studies, 13 (1999), pp. 173–91, at p. 174. On the connection between Christianity and Judaism in early modern Europe more generally, see Popkin, Richard H., ‘Christian Jews and Jewish Christians in the seventeenth century’, in Popkin, Richard H. and Weiner, Gordon M., eds., Jewish Christians and Christian Jews from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment (Dordrecht, 1994), pp. 5772.

50 See Jan Waszink's introduction in his translation of Lipsius, Justus, Politica: six books of politics or political instruction (Assen, 2004); also Schellhase, Kenneth C., Tacitus in Renaissance political thought (Chicago, IL, and London, 1976); Burke, Peter, ‘Tacitism, scepticism, and reason of state’, in Burns, J. H. and Goldie, M., eds., The Cambridge history of political thought, 1450–1700 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 479–98.

51 Houston, R. A., Literacy in early modern Europe: culture and education, 1500–1800 (2nd edn, Harlow, 2002), pp. 166–72, 203–26. See also Jacob, Margaret and Secretan, Catherine, eds., ‘Introduction’, in their In praise of ordinary people: early modern Britain and the Dutch Republic (Basingstoke, 2013), pp. 116; Prak, Maarten, ed., ‘Introduction’, in his Early modern capitalism: economic and social change in Europe, 1400–1800 (London, 2001), pp. 119; Burke, Peter, ‘The language of orders in early modern Europe’, in Bush, M. L., ed., Social orders and social classes in Europe since 1500: studies in social stratification (London, 1992), pp. 113.

52 Grendler, Paul F., ‘Renaissance humanism, schools, and universities’, in his Renaissance education between religion and politics (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 6ff; Nauert, Charles G., Humanism and the culture of Renaissance Europe (2nd edn, Cambridge, 2006), pp. 3854; Salmon, J. H. M., ‘Precept, example and truth: Degory Wheare and the ars historica’, in Kelley, Donald R. and Sacks, David Harris, eds., The historical imagination in early modern Britain: history, rhetoric and fiction, 1500–1800 (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 1136.

53 Maclean, Ian, Scholarship, commerce, religion: the learned book in the age of confessions, 1560–1630 (Cambridge, MA, 2012), p. 54.

54 Taylor, Andrew, ‘The translations of Renaissance Latin’, Canadian Review of Comparative Literature, 41 (2014), pp. 329–53, at pp. 32–3; Todd, Margo, Christian humanism and the puritan social order (Cambridge, 1987), p. 94; Howland, Douglas, ‘The predicament of ideas in culture: translation and historiography’, History and Theory, 42 (2003), pp. 4560, at p. 45; see also Sharpe, Kevin, Reading revolutions: the politics of reading in early modern England (New Haven, CT, 2000), p. 314; Jensen, Freyja Cox, Reading the Roman republic in early modern England (Leiden, 2012), pp. 216–17; Paul White, ‘Marketing adaptations of the Ship of fools: the Stultiferae naves (1501) and Navis Stultifera (1505) of Jodocus Badius Ascensius’, in Pérez Fernández and Wilson-Lee, eds., Translation and the book trade, pp. 22–39; Miguel Martinez, ‘The heroes in the world's marketplace: translating and printing epic in Renaissance Antwerp’, in Pérez Fernández and Wilson-Lee, eds., Translation and the book trade, pp. 81–106.

55 For example, Botley, Paul, Latin translation in the Renaissance: the theory and practice of Leonardo Bruni, Giannozzo Manetti and Desiderius Erasmus (Cambridge, 2004); Gillespie, Stuart, ‘Vernacular translations of classical and neo-Latin writings in the European renaissance: the Germanic languages’, in Kittel, H. et al. , eds., Übersetzung: ein internationales Handbuch zur Übersetzungsforschung, ii (Berlin, 2007), pp. 1441–7; Kirchner, Timothy, ‘Wrestling with Ulysses: humanist translations of Homeric epic around 1440’, in Deitz, Luc, Kirchner, Timothy, and Reid, Jonathan, eds., Neo-Latin and the humanities: essays in honour of Charles E. Fantazzi (Toronto, ON, 2014), pp. 6191; Ventura, Iolanda, ‘Translating, commenting, re-translating: some considerations on the Latin translations of the pseudo-Aristotelian problemata and their readers’, in Goyens, Michèle, de Leemans, Pieter, and Smets, An, eds., Science translated: Latin and vernacular translations of scientific treatises in medieval Europe (Leuven, 2008), pp. 123–54; Fransen, Sietske, Hodson, Niall, and Enenkel, Karl A. E., eds., Translating early modern science (Leiden, 2017).

56 Most notably, Wilkinson, ‘Vernacular translation’; Pérez Fernández and Edward Wilson-Lee, eds., Translation and the book trade; Bistué, Belén, Collaborative translation and multi-version texts in early modern Europe (Abingdon, 2013).

57 Wilkinson, ‘Vernacular translation’, pp. 26–33.

58 A succinct summary of the most significant theoretical approaches informing the field is provided by Hosington, Brenda M., ‘Translation and print culture in early modern Europe’, Renaissance Studies, 29 (2015), pp. 518.

59 Taylor, ‘The translations of Renaissance Latin’, p. 332.

60 On Seyssel's translations and their intended function, see Boone, Rebecca Ard, War, domination, and the monarchy of France: Claude de Seyssel and the language of politics in the Renaissance (Leiden, 2007), pp. 85100; for an overview of Plutarch's Lives in sixteenth-century France, see Billault, Alain, ‘Plutarch's Lives’, in Sandy, Gerald N., ed., The classical heritage in France (Leiden, 2002), pp. 219–31, as well as the works of Aulotte, for example, Aulotte, R., Amyot et Plutarque (Geneva, 1965); see also Frazier, Francoise, ‘Amyot traducteur des oeuvres morales’, in Frazier, Francoise and Guerrier, Olivier, eds., Plutarque: éditions, traductions, paratextes (Coimbra, 2016), pp. 6987.

61 Hankins, James, Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance, i (Rome, 2003), pp. 189–90.

62 Burke, ‘The popularity of ancient historians’, p. 140.

63 Ibid., p. 138.

64 Houston, Literacy in early modern Europe, passim.

65 See, for example, Jensen, Freyja Cox, ‘“Pretious treasures made cheap”? The real cost of reading Roman history in early modern England’, in Patten, Eve and McElligott, Jason, eds., The perils of print culture (Basingstoke, 2014), pp. 3550.

66 To name but a few studies: Momigliano, Arnaldo, ‘Polybius’ reappearance in western Europe’, in Reverdin, Olivier, ed., Polybe: entretiens sur l'antiquité classique XX (Geneva, 1974), pp. 347–72; Pade, Marianne, The reception of Plutarch's Lives in fifteenth-century Italy (2 vols., Copenhagen, 2007); Schurink, Fred, ‘Print, patronage, and occasion: translations of Plutarch's Moralia in Tudor England’, Yearbook of English Studies, 38 (2008), pp. 86101; Schurink, Fred, ‘War, what is it good for? Sixteenth-century English translations of ancient Roman texts on warfare’, in Hosington, B. and Barker, S., Renaissance cultural crossroads: translation, print and culture in Britain, 1473–1640 (Leiden, 2013), pp. 121–38.

67 For example, Titus Liuius Vnd Lucius Florus Von Ankufft vnnd Vrsprung des R[oe]mischen Reichs, Jetzund auff daß newe auß dem Latein verteutscht (Strasbourg, 1587), USTC 698337. The text is Florus's Epitome, yet Livy is credited as ‘first author’ on the title page.

68 For example, Chronologia historiae miscellae a Paulo aquilegiensi diacono primum collectae, post etiam à landulpho sagaci auctae productaeque ad imperium leonis est, annum Christi dCCCvi. Libri XXIIII. In quibus praeter eutropii, flori et aliorum historias (Basel, 1569), USTC 663514; De gestis langobardorum libri VI eutropii insigne volumen quo Romana historia universa describitur, ex diversorum authorum monumentis collecta additae sunt Graecorum imperatorum vitae de rebus in oriente & Constantinopoli, persia, arabiaque gestis (Basel, 1532), USTC 654914; De gestis Romanorum libri octo ad Eutropii historiam additi (Paris, 1531), USTC 203470

69 Fornara, Charles W., The nature of history in ancient Greece and Rome (Berkeley, CA, and London, 1983), pp. 181–2.

70 Conte, Gian Biagio, Latin literature: a history (Baltimore, MD, and London, 1994), pp. 441–3; see also Grafton, What was history?; Pomata, Gianna and Siraisi, Nancy G., eds., Historia: empiricism and erudition in early modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2005).

71 I have counted them together, as they were often published with one another.

I am grateful to the audiences in Exeter, Cambridge, St Andrews, and at The Huntington Library, California, who provided feedback on this research as it progressed; to the colleagues and anonymous readers whose comments have shaped this article; to Andrew Pettegree, Malcolm Walsby, and the USTC team for providing early access to their database and enabling the research to begin; to Paulina Kewes, at the outset; and to Peter Burke, for the inspiration.

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