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Global Solutions, Local Damages: A Critical Study in Judicial Councils in Central and Eastern Europe

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Abstract

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Judicial independence appears on most laundry lists of all bodies or institutions engaged with the rule of law. It is considered an unqualified public good. As a result, all major players engaged in legal reform and building a rule of law have diverted significant resources to this issue. For instance, the United Nations created the office of Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers in 1994. The World Bank has been investing heavily in judicial reforms in Latin America and Asia. In Europe, the Council of Europe has been pushing for judicial independence and judicial reform throughout the continent. Additionally, the European Union included judicial independence among its core requirements for the accession countries. Both organizations, the European Union and the Council of Europe, then jointly encouraged legal and judicial reforms in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). A number of non-governmental organizations have likewise paid considerable attention to this issue.

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Articles
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Copyright © 2014 by German Law Journal GbR 

References

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31 These different models are described immediately below in Section D.Google Scholar

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46 Note that most U.S. judges on the state level are elected and often face regular retention review. In addition, non-Art III federal judges—such as magistrate judges, bankruptcy judges or administrative judges—are usually appointed for the specified terms of office and face additional forms of accountability. Only the “Article III judges” (judges of district courts and circuit courts and Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States), the tiny minority of the U.S. judiciary, are appointed for life (by the U.S. Senate upon nomination of the President) and enjoy the full set of safeguards. In sum, the elected branches have a major say in the career of judges at all levels of the judicial hierarchy in the United States.Google Scholar

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61 See Thomas, , supra note 35. We will explain how this electoral law, or its deficiencies, can influence the functioning of the judicial council in Section H, where we discuss the Slovak case study. The mode of selection of judicial members had great consequences also on the operation of the Hungarian judicial council (before Orbán's 2011 judicial reform). See Pokol, supra note 56, at 188–89.Google Scholar

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65 See, e.g., sources cited supra note 51 (quoting the critical voices on the state and performance of the Italian CSM). The same model has delivered rather questionable results also in Latin America. See sources cited supra note 45.Google Scholar

66 The question is also when it is over, if ever. A legal transformation may be conceived of at different levels. In the narrow sense, it just means the shift from one regime to another, a mere change in the constitutional structure. In the broader sense, it means much more: Not just a constitutional shift, but also change in values, their enforcement and the real life of the new institutions. See, e.g., Csaba Varga, Transition to Rule of Law: On the Democratic Transformation in Hungary 74 (1995). Varga quotes the former president of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, L Sólyom, who claimed that for him, the “transition” was, from the legal point of view, finished in October 1989. From then on, Hungary has been a law-governed state and there is no further stage to which to transit. Id. Google Scholar

67 Many scholars have been perplexed about why the CEE parliaments gave up their power so easily. See, e.g., Cristina Parau, The Dormancy of Parliaments: The Invisible Cause of Judiciary Empowerment in Central and Eastern Europe, 49 Representation 267 (2013).Google Scholar

68 See supra Section B.Google Scholar

69 Conclusions of the Presidency, European Council in Copenhagen 13 (June 21–22, 1993), http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/72921.pdf.Google Scholar

70 See, e.g., Kochenov, , supra note 18; Kirstyn Inglis, EU Enlargement: Membership Conditions Applied to Future and Potential Member States, in The European Union and Its Neighbours: Legal Appraisal of the EU's Policies of Stabilisation, Partnership and Integration (Steven Blockmans & Adam Lazowski eds., 2006).Google Scholar

71 Agenda 2000 - Vol. I: For a Stronger and Wider Union, COM (2000) 97 final (July 13, 1997); Vol. II: The Challenge of Enlargement, COM (2000) 97 final (July 15, 1997).Google Scholar

72 See, e.g., European Commission's Regular Report On Czech Republic's Progress Towards Accession, at 18–20, SEC (2001) 1746 final (Nov. 13, 2001); at 22–24, SEC (2002) 1402 final (Oct. 9, 2002).Google Scholar

73 For example, mostly in the period before the EU Accession. The two new Member States that joined the EU in 2007, Romania and Bulgaria, represent in this respect a special case of de facto extending the pre-accession conditionality to the period after the Accession. Although, the EU's input has been crucial in these countries. Diana Bozhilova, Measuring Success and Failure of EU-Europeanization in the Eastern Enlargement: Judicial Reform in Bulgaria, 9 Eur. J. of Legal Reform 285 (2007). Parau, supra note 12, at 655, states:Google Scholar

Ironically, it was the Commission who imposed on Romania the formal institutions designed to autonomise the Romanian judiciary. Without such pressure it is highly unlikely that the SCM would have been given so much power and autonomy: ‘The 2004 reform would probably not have happened without pressure from the Commission and pressures associated with wanting to join the EU … or it might have taken longer, it might not have followed the same path. … The European Commission was strongly associated with it.‘Google Scholar

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77 In Slovakia, which is covered neither by Piana's nor Parau's research and which we discuss in more detail below (Section H), the internal factors prevailed as well. The major rationale for the introduction of the JC Euro-model in Slovakia was “anti-Mečiarism.” The period of “mečiarism” refers to years between 1992 and 1998, when Vladimír Mečiar was the Prime Minister of Slovakia. Mečiar was known for his autocratic style of government. In 1998, after the democratic centrist coalition won the general elections, it wanted to ensure that “Mečiar-style interferences” with the judiciary could not be repeated. In order to prevent these interferences, the centrist coalition founded a new institution, the Judicial Council of the Slovak Republic, which meets all the criteria of the Euro-model.Google Scholar

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82 See ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 1.7; CCJE, supra note 24, at para. 8; Budapest Resolution, supra note 25, at para. 1; European Charter on the Statute for Judges, supra note 24, at para. 1.3; Recommendation CM/Rec (2010) 12, supra note 25, at para. 26.Google Scholar

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84 See, e.g., ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 2.2; CCJE, supra note 24, at paras. 12–13; Recommendation CM/Rec (2010) 12, supra note 25, at para. 4.Google Scholar

85 See Recommendation No. R (94), supra note 14.Google Scholar

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87 See ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 1.7; CCJE, supra note 24, at para. 10.Google Scholar

88 Compare in particular, the pre-Accession Reports with respect to the individual CEE countries, put together by the European Commission. See sources cited supra notes 71, 72.Google Scholar

89 See, e.g., Recommendation No. R (94), supra note 14; European Charter on the Statute for Judges, supra note 24 (observing that there is no mention to transparency at all).Google Scholar

90 See, e.g., ENCJ, supra note 24, at paras. 1.7, 7.2; Budapest Resolution, supra note 25.Google Scholar

91 See CCJE supra note 24, at Part VI; ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 2.5.Google Scholar

92 Compare ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 2.2, or Recommendation CM/Rec (2010) 12, supra note 25, at para. 27 (referring to the most recent documents that accept “only” 50% of judicial members in the judicial council), with CCJE, supra note 24, at para. 18 (referring to older documents that claim that “a substantial majority of the members should be judges”).Google Scholar

93 See Garoupa, & Ginsburg, , supra note 30, at 110.Google Scholar

94 See CCJE, supra note 24, at Part VI. But cf. ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 2.2.Google Scholar

95 Budapest Resolution, supra note 25, at para. 10.Google Scholar

96 CCJE, supra note 24, at Part II Title.Google Scholar

97 Kühn, Zdeněk, The Democratization and Modernization of Post-Communist Judiciaries, in Central and Eastern Europe After Transition 177, 181 (Alberto Febbrajo & Wojciech Sadurski eds., 2010).Google Scholar

98 Note that not all CEE countries adopted the JC Euro-model. For instance, the Czech Republic retained its Ministry of Justice model. Although, the Czech Republic is not alone. Some countries that introduced the judicial council model did not opt for the JC Euro-model. For instance, Poland never transferred virtually all powers regarding the career of judges to its National Council of the Judiciary (NCJ) and, moreover, in 2007 it banned court presidents from membership in the NCJ. See Adam Bodnar & Lukasz Bojarski, Judicial Independence in Poland, in Judicial Independence in Transition 667, 669–79 (Anja Seibert-Fohr ed., 2012). Estonia also preferred the cooperative model of court administration where judicial councils share many powers with the Ministry of Justice. See Timo Ligi, Judicial Independence in Estonia, in Judicial Independence in Transition 739, 741–55 (Anja Seibert-Fohr ed., 2012). In contrast, Slovakian, Romanian, Bulgarian and Hungarian (until Orban's judicial reforms in 2011) judicial councils are examples of the JC Euro-model.Google Scholar

99 See also Bobek, Michal, Comparative Reasoning in European Supreme Courts 255–72 (2013).Google Scholar

100 See in particular the judicial council model envisaged by ENCJ, supra note 24 and CCJE, supra note 24.Google Scholar

101 See supra Section E.Google Scholar

102 On the functioning of Italian judicial council, Consiglio superiore della magistratura, see Daniela Piana & Antoine Vauchez, Il Consiglio superiore della magistratura (2012).Google Scholar

103 Id. Google Scholar

104 We do not intend to provide a deep level empirical study of the impact of the JCSR on the Slovak judiciary. However, we believe that the ensuing snapshot at what has been happening after the introduction of the JCSR clearly support the main arguments of our article.Google Scholar

105 Art. 141a of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic and related legislation, especially zákon č. 185/2002 Z. z., o Súdnej rade Slovenskej republiky (Law no. 185/2002 Coll., on the Judicial Council of the Slovak Republic).Google Scholar

106 Nominally at least 9 members must be judges; in practice, however, even the other institutions appoint judges as members of the JCSR.Google Scholar

107 See supra Section E and notes 58-61.Google Scholar

108 For instance, he referred to Žitňanská as a “liar.” See Günter Woratsch, Zpráva o stavu slovenské justice -fenomén Štefan Harabin, Pecs (Apr. 23, 2011).Google Scholar

109 See id.; see, e.g., Dubovcová, Jana, Umožňuje súčasný stav súdnictva zneužívanie disciplinárneho konania voči sudcom, zneužívanie výberových konaní a dáva výkonnej moci oprávnenie zasiahnut' do súdnej moci?, in Výzvy slovenského súdnictva a možnosti zlepšenia existujúceho stavu 53-56 (Transparency International Slovensko ed., 2010); Lukasz Bojarski & Werner Stemker Köster, The Slovak Judiciary: Its Current State and Challenges 94, 107-09 (2011).Google Scholar

110 See Art. 82a of Law No. 757/2004 Z. z., as amended by Law No. 33/2011 Z. z. & Law No. 467/2011 Z. z.Google Scholar

111 Voting done by the so called “per rollam” (by letter) means that it is a voting without calling a meeting (e.g., by correspondence), which meant that nobody could attend the JCSR's meetings.Google Scholar

112 Katarína Staroňová, Projekt “Súdný manažment” ako protikorupčný nástroj, in Jedenásť statočných: prípadové studie protikorupčných nástrojov na Slovensku 215, 217 (Emília Sičáková-Beblavá & Miroslav Beblavý eds., 2008) (quoting the Transparency International Slovakia poll from 2004).Google Scholar

113 Note that the Constitutional Court of Slovakia is not considered to be a part of the system of general courts in Slovakia and thus it was not covered by this question.Google Scholar

114 Institute for Public Affairs (IVO), Slovenská justícia očami verejnosti, odborníkov a sudcov 1 (2011). Note that the remaining responses (up to 100%) was “I do not know.”Google Scholar

115 Id. at 2.Google Scholar

116 Id. Google Scholar

117 Id. Google Scholar

118 See Woratsch, , supra note 108.Google Scholar

119 See Bojarski, & Köster, supra note 109; Dubovcová, supra note 109, at 54-56; Woratsch, supra note 108.Google Scholar

120 Some of these cases are reported in Bojarski & Köster, supra note 109, at 102-05.Google Scholar

121 Dubovcová, supra note 109, at 54-55.Google Scholar

122 The listed examples of Harabin's judicial “administration” originate from Eva Mihočková, Šikanovanie v talári, Plus 7 dní (Dec. 12, 2011). See also Pavol Kubík & František Múčka, Ako úraduje Štefan I. Čistič: Pôsobenie nového šéfa Najvyššieho súdu SR varuje pred rozširovaním jeho kompetencií, TREND (Sept. 30, 2009); Pavol Kubík, Ked' losuje Štefan Harabin: Na Najvyššom súde majú rozhodnutia predsedu občas väčšiu váhu ako paragrafy, TREND (Mar. 11, 2010).Google Scholar

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124 See Mihočková, supra note 122; See also Kubík & Múčka, supra note 122.Google Scholar

125 Pokol, , supra note 56; Z. Fleck, Judicial Independence and its Environment in Hungary, in Systems of justice in transition: Central European Experiences Since 1989, 12 (J. Přibáň, P. Roberts & J. Young eds., 2003).Google Scholar

126 See, e.g., Smilov, , supra note 19, at 313.Google Scholar

127 Parau, , supra note 12; Ramona Coman & Cristina Dallara, Judicial Independence in Romania, in Judicial Independence in Transition (Anja Seibert-Fohr ed., 2012).Google Scholar

128 See, e.g., Open Society Institute, supra note 74.Google Scholar

129 For detailed discussion, see Bobek, supra note 59.Google Scholar

130 See, e.g., Jakab, András, On the Legitimacy of a New Constitution - Remarks on the Occasion of the New Hungarian Basic Law of 2011, in Crisis and Quality of Democracy in Eastern Europe 61 (MA Jovanović & Đorđe Pavićević eds., 2012); see also László Salamon, Debates Surrounding the Concepts of the New Constitution, 3 Hungarian R. 1522 (2011).Google Scholar

131 Including the lowering of the compulsory retirement age for judges, which has been subsequently declared unconstitutional by the Hungarian Constitutional Court (Decision 33/2012. (VII. 17.)) AB, published also in the Magyar Közlöny 2012/95. The new law was also declared to be in violation of EU law. See Comm'n v. Hungary, CJEU Case C-286/12 (Nov. 6, 2012), ECLI:EU:C:2012:687.Google Scholar

132 One can only speculate whether some “Western” judges, who have been active in various European organizations that gave birth to the JC model qua “European standard,” tried to implement this model in the “East” so that they could later use it as leverage in their home countries. See, e.g., Strengthen the Judiciary's Independence in Europe! International Recommendations for an Independent Judicial Power (Peter-Alexis Albrecht & John Thomas eds., 2009) (containing contributions of several Western judges).Google Scholar

133 For instance, Germany has been recently criticized by the CoE for not having a judicial council. See sources cited supra note 13 and accompanying text.Google Scholar