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(1) On these problems see Gluckman, M., Ethnographic Data in British Social Anthropology, The Sociological Review, IX (1961), 5–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. also Eggan, F., Ethnographic Data in Social Anthropology in the United StatesGoogle Scholar, ibid. 19–26, and Gellner, M., Time Conceptions in Social Anthropology, Mind, LXVII (1958).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

(2) Jehovah's Witnesses have a more extreme rejection of the existing social order and have engaged in a more active struggle against the authorities. Cf. Pike, R., Jehovah's Witnesses (London 1954)Google Scholar, also Stroup, H. H., The Jehovah's Witnesses (New York 1945).Google Scholar

(3) Cf. Burridge, K., Mambu (London 1960), pp. 203–207, 254–259Google Scholar; also his “Cargo cult activity in Tangu”, Oceania, XXIV (1954), 241–244.Google Scholar

(4) See Festinger, L., Riecken, H. W. and Schachter, S., When Prophecy Fails (Minneapolis 1956).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

(5) See Barber, B., Acculturation and messianic movements, American Sociological Review, VI (1941), 663–668CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Aberle, D. F., The Prophet Dance and reactions to white contact, Southwestern J. of Anthropology, XV (1959), 77–83.Google Scholar

(6) On the relation between deprivation and frustration, see Linton, R., Nativistic Movements, American Anthropologist, VL (1943). 230–240CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. also Firth, R., The Theory of Cargo Cult: A note on Tikopia, Man (1955), No. 142.Google Scholar

(7) For the description and analysis of this aspect of the growth of millenarism, see Burridge, K., op. cit. pp. 246–254Google Scholar; also Werblowsky, Z. W., Messianism in Primitive Societies, The Listener, LXIV (1958), p. 684.Google Scholar

(8) Cf. Eliade, M., Le mythe de l'éternel retour (Paris 1949).Google Scholar

(9) de Queiroz, M. I. Pereira, L'influence du milieu social interne sur les mouvements messianiques brésiliens, Archives de sociologie des religions, 5 (1958), pp. 3–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Id., Classifications des messianismes brésiliens, ibid. pp. 111–120.

(10) The most sophisticated and rigorous analysis of the development and functions of antinomian ritual in a messianic movement will be found in Scholem, G., Main Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York 1946), pp. 287–324.Google Scholar

(11) Cf. Wallace, A., Revitalisation Movements, American Anthropologist, LVIII, (1956), 264–280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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(13) See Vogt, E., The American Indian—Transition, Reformation and Accomodation, American Anthropologist, VLIII (1956), pp. 249–264.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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(16) It is significant that this is also a major theme in a number of recent studies on history of modern social and political ideas. See Salomon, A., The Tyranny of Progress (New York 1955)Google Scholar, and Talmon, J. L., Political Messianism (London 1960).Google Scholar

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(18) The importance of treating religion as a partly independent sphere is fully demonstrated by Geertz, G., Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example, American Anthropologist, LIX (1957), 32–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also his Religion of Java (Glencoe 1960).Google Scholar

(19) For a critical re-evaluation of evolutionary theories, see Nadel, S. F., The Principles of Social Anthropology (Glencoe 1955)Google Scholar, and Tax, S. ed., The Evolution of Man (Chicago 1960).Google Scholar

(20) For a different interpretation of the place of religion in modern society, see Parsons, T., Social Structure and Social Process (Glencoe 1960), pp. 195–322.Google Scholar

(21) For examination of the relevance of Simmel's theory of conflict in the study of change, see Coser, L., The Functions of Social Conflict (Glencoe 1956).Google Scholar

(22) Mannheim, K., Ideology and Utopia. (New York 1936).Google Scholar