¹ El recebimiento que se hizo al… rey… don Fernando … en la villa de Valladolid … bispera de la epifania deste año de.d.xiij. See Appendix for a transcription of this previously unpublished document.

² On the transformation of the medieval traditions for royal entries into ceremonies emulating imperial Rome, see Strong, R., Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650, rev. edn (Woodbridge, 1984);Google ScholarAnglo, S., Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1997);Google ScholarKipling, G., ed., The Receyt of Ladie Kateryne, Early English Text Society 296 (Oxford, 1990);Google Scholar and Bryant, L. M., The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance (Geneva, 1986), especially p. 66Google Scholar.

³ Gellius, Aulus, Noctes Atticae, lib. 5, cap. 6, trans. Rolfe, J. C. (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1961), pp. 391–7Google Scholar. This elaboration of the ancient Roman ceremony of triumphal crownings into a coronation with seven crowns appears to be highly unusual in triumphs of the early Renaissance. The symbolism of the seven crowns as an image of royal power is described much later in the sixteenth century by the Duke of Villahermosa, Martín de Gurrea y Aragón, in his book entitled Discursos de medallas y antigüedades, in the chapter ‘Pompa triunfal de los romanos’ (ed). Mélida, J. R. (Madrid, 1903), pp. (34–48)Google Scholar. This was written between 1570 and 1581 and makes reference to Pliny, Juvenal, Gellius and Josephus. See also note 57 below.

⁴ On the historical background to this ‘victory’, see note 52 below.

⁵ Geertz, C., ‘Centers, Kings and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power’, Local Knowledge (New York, 1993), pp. 121–46Google Scholar; and see note 134 below.

⁶ Smuts, R. M., ‘Public Ceremony and Royal Charisma: The English Royal Entry in London, 1485–1642’ in Beier, A. L., Cannadine, D. and Rosenheim, J. M., ed., The First Modern Society. Essays in English History in Honour of Lawrence Stone (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 65–93, at pp. 66–7Google Scholar.

⁷ Norton, F. J., A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal, 1501–1520 (Cambridge, 1978), no. 1313, p. 476Google Scholar. (See also below, p. 158.) A microfilm of the edition was acquired by Norton in 1961 and is now among the many items from his collection in the University Library, Cambridge. It is mentioned by Dutton, who reproduced the song texts but erroneously listed the printer as Brocar. See Dutton, B., El cancionero del siglo XV, c. 1360–1520, 7 vols (Universidad de Salamanca, 1991), V, p. 573Google Scholar.

⁸ Huth, H., The Huth Library. A Catalogue…, 5 vols. (London, 1880), ii, p. 580Google Scholar: ‘A most rare triumph, unknown and undescribed, It consists of two leaves and is bound at the end of “Boccacio Cayda de Principes. Toledo 1511”.’

⁹ It is not included in the catalogue of what is still the main reference work for such events, compiled by Jenaro, Alenda y Mira (Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas públicas de España) (Madrid, 1903)Google Scholar;, although he does include the Seville 1508 entry discussed below, erroneously including it under the year 1477. Norton (A Descriptive Catalogue, no. 1337) also lists a further, lost, printed relación for the meeting between Louis XII of France and Ferdinand in Savona in June 1507. It is included in Ferdinand Columbus's Regestrum as having been bought in Lérida in 1512 for three maravedis. Printed in quarto, it began: ‘El recebimiento que hizo el Rey de françia en saona al Rey don fernando’. It is not known where or by whom it was printed. It would have been the first in the series of printed accounts from the latter part of Ferdinand's reign, and may even have been the model for those that followed. The main study of fêtes and royal processions in sixteenth-century Spain is that by Marsden, C. A. (‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles au XVI^e siè;cle’ in Jacquot, J., ed., Les fêtes de la Renaissance, ii: Fêtes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 1960), pp. 389–411)Google Scholar but he was clearly unaware of the earlier sources discussed here, leading him to conclude that ‘Les descriptions originales de la première moitié du XVI^e siècle sont d'ailleurs extrêmement rares’ (p. 389). Even in the more recent study by Faus, Miguel Falomir (‘Entradas triunfales de Fernando el Católico en España tras la conquista de Nápoles’, the Actas of the VI Jornadas de Arte ‘La visión del mundo clásico en el arte español’, Madrid, 15–18 12 1992 (Madrid, 1993), pp. 49–55)Google Scholar the author was seemingly unaware of the existence of the 1513 account and as a consequence mistakenly believes that no entry was celebrated in Valladolid between 1509 and the 1520s. For another important recent contribution to Spanish sixteenth-century royal entries, see Carreras, J. J., ‘El Parnaso encantado: las representaciones de la música en la entrada real de Ana de Austria (Madrid, 1570)’, in Felipe II. Un príncipe del Renacimiento. Museo Nacional del Prado, 13 de octubre de 1998 – 10 de enero de 1999 (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), pp. 251–67Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Although not as rare as Marsden suggests: ‘Durant la premier quart du XVI^e siècle, la coûtume ne s'était pas encore établie en Espagne d'imprimer ces journaux de Cour qu'étaient en fait les livrets d'éntrée’ (‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 390). Unfortunately, this leads him to a further misleading conclusion: ‘Si l'Espagne est en retard sur d'autres pays d'Europe pour ce genre de publication, elle l'est aussi dans le développement de ses fêtes.’

¹¹ Strong, , Art and Power, p. 7Google Scholar. Strong mentions only Anne of Austria's entry into Segovia in 1570 en passant on p. 25, it having been brought to his attention by Marsden's article. One of the factors in this historiographical neglect has undoubtedly been the negative comparisons made in the sixteenth century between Spanish and Flemish entries from the time of Charles V onwards: see the discussion of Laurent Vital's description of the 1517 entry into Valladolid discussed below, note 93.

¹² Parker, Geoffrey, in his biography of Philip II (Philip II, 3rd edn (Chicago, 1995), pp. 15–16)Google Scholar, provides a good example of this historiographical tradition: ‘Spanish celebrations were famous for failure: visitors from abroad during Charles V's reign were always critical of them. It was only when the prince went to the Netherlands, and especially to the remarkable “festivals of Binche”, that he discovered what spectacles really were.’

¹³ Music traditionally falls outside the focus of studies of ceremonial entries, being rarely discussed by Bryant, (The King and the City, p. 59Google Scholar, for example) and others. See also Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, p. 251, and see note 85 below.

¹⁴ Bryant, , The King and the City, pp. 58–9Google Scholar, regarding Henry II's entry into Paris in 1549. See also McGowan, M. M., ‘The Arts Conjoined: A Context for the Study of Music’, Early Music History, 13 (1994), pp. 171–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ On the crisis in the Castilian succession following the death of Isabella in 1504, see Hillgarth, J.N., The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516, ii: 1410–1516: Castilian Hegemony (Oxford, 1978), pp. 592–600Google Scholar; Zurita, J., Historia del Rey don Hernando el Católico: De las empresas y ligas de Italia (Zaragoza, 1580)Google Scholar, Libro VII, facsimile edition, with an introduction by G. Redondo Veintemillas and C. Morte García (Zaragoza, 1999).

¹⁶ For a brief discussion of this entry, see below. On Alfonso's Neapolitan court, see Atlas, A., Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples (Cambridge, 1983)Google Scholar, and on the triumphal arch see Hersey, G. L., The Aragonese Arch at Naples, 1443–1475 (New Haven, 1973)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Moreno, A. Gáomez, España y la Italia de los humanistas: Primeros ecos (Madrid, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Carandete, G., I triunfi nel primo rinascimiento (Edizioni Rai, 1963), p. 20Google Scholar. It must be pointed out that Naples would not necessarily have been the only model; Ferdinand, and those moving in circles close to the king, would also have been aware of triumphal entries elsewhere in Europe and notably in Rome itself, with which there were particularly close diplomatic ties in the 1490s during the pontificate of the Valencian Pope Alexander VI. For triumphal entries at this time in Rome, see Mitchell, B., Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance, Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana 89 (1979), pp. 111–19Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii pp. 555–61Google Scholar.

²⁰ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, pp. 596Google Scholar.

²¹ Zurita, , Historia, libro VII, chapter 6, p. 36, and chapter 14, p. 71Google Scholar, for the order instructing Aragonese nobles to gather in Barcelona for their departure for Naples. The implications for the members of the Aragonese royal household, possibly faced with permanent residence in Naples, were considerable. For example, the turnover in the membership of the chapel choir was substantial: seven new singers (including the composer Juan Ponce) were recruited while preparations in Barcelona were under way, and an eighth (the Italian singer Pietro Abrique) was appointed not long after the court arrived in Naples.

²² Falomir Faus, ‘Entradas triunfales’, p. 50, and Hersey, The Aragonese Arch. Antonio Beccadelli's De Dictis et Factis Alphonsi Regis circulated widely in the Iberian peninsula, and in 1516 it was translated into Castilian and printed in Valencia. See Montaner, A., Introduction to the facs. edn of Libro de los dichos y echos elegantes y graciosos del sabio Rey don Alonso de Aragon, published in Zaragoza in 1552 (Zaragoza, 1997), pp. 9–88Google Scholar.

²³ Filangieri, R., ‘Arrivo di Ferdinando il Cattolico a Napoli (Relazione dell'oratore Giovanni Medina al Cardinal d'Este)’, in V Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón, iii, pp. 309–14Google Scholar: ‘acostosi ad una ponte fabricato dala Cità de circha trenta pasa dintro in mare, qual ponte era facto ad archi ad la antiqua, ben depinto,… in capo del ponte, qual venea sopra el mole, era un archo triumphale sopra quattro colonne ad la antiqua, dipinto molto belo… in cima ad l'archo erano cinque nimphe, le quatro teneano uno standardo reale per una, et quella del mezo un ramo de oliva.’ See alsoFabris, D., ‘El nacimiento del mito musical de Nápoles en la época de Fernando el Católico’, Nassarre, 9/2 (1993), pp. 53–93, at pp. 57–60Google Scholar, and Mitchell, B., The Majesty of the State: Triumphal Progress of Foreign Sovereigns in Renaissance Italy (1494–1600) (Florence, 1986), pp. 129–33Google Scholar.

²⁴ The only musical reference is to the order of the minstrels in the procession: ‘Ad questa intrata in Napoli andavano primi octo matieri de li officii de Napoli, erano poi octo timpani del Re, poi sedeci trombete, poi piphari cum molti tromboni del Re’ (Filangieri, ‘Arrivo di Ferdinando’, p. 312).

²⁵ Ferdinand's chronicler Alfonso de Santa Cruz (Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, ed. de Mata Carriazo, J., 2 vols. (Seville, 1951), i, p. 74)Google Scholar conforms to the stereotype in his account: ‘les hicieron un muy solemne recebimiento, debaxo de un arco triunfal muy rico que allí avía hecho. Yban en el recebimiento muchos géneros de música, como tronpetas y atabales, sacabuches y cherimías, dulçainas y otros instrumentos de música.’

²⁶ Bernáldez, A., Memorias del reinado de los Reyes Católicos, ed. Gómez-Moreno, M. and de Mata Carriazo, J. (Madrid, 1962), p. 521Google Scholar. ‘Y pasaron por debaxo un arco que le tenían fecho muy rico; y en aquel y todos los otros y en la puente, como su alteza salía dellos, luego tocavan los instrumentos y fazían grandes alegrías. Los quales eran cuatro pares de atabales e veinte y seis tronpetas italianas e veinte y dos bastardas, con infinitos generos de músicas, conviene a saber chirimías y sacabuches etc. Hazían tanto estruendo, que si alguna ave pasava volando la hazían caer en medio de la gente.’ For a discussion of the types of trumpet used at this time, see Kreitner, K., ‘Music and Civic Ceremony in Late Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1990, pp. 51–3Google Scholar.

²⁷ Smuts, ‘Public Ceremony’, pp. 70–1, and see note 107 below.

²⁸ Falomir Faus, ‘Entradas triunfales’, p. 51: ‘e desembarcaren ses Magestats en lo pont lo qual los jurats de Valencia havien fet molt be guarnit ab molts archs triumfals, e molta teleria blanca pintada de blanch y negre a la romana ab molts banderes de les armes de Valencia’. (This quotation is taken from the manuscript relación of this event in Frances Joan Caballer, ‘Llibre de noticies de la ciudat de Valencia desde el any 1306 fins al de 1535’, MS in the Biblioteca Universitaria, Valencia, cited by Falomir Faus.)

²⁹ Falomir Faus, ‘Entradas triunfales’, p. 51. Unfortunately the royal chroniclers refer only in general terms to this and the later entries. Santa Cruz on Valencia (Crónica, p. 96) is typical: ‘Y fué recebido de los valencianos con los mayores placeres, cantares, fiestas y aparatos que se pueden pensar.’ On the earlier tradition for royal entries in east coast Spain, see Gómez Muntané, Ma. C., ‘Secular Catalan and Occitan Music at the End of the Middle Ages: Looking for a Lost Repertory’, Studi Musicali, 21/1 (1992), pp. 3–19, especially at pp. 13–18Google Scholar; Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, chapter 8: ‘The entries of Ferdinand (1479) and Isabella (1481)’, pp. 388–428, especially at pp. 406–7; and the contemporary description of how Isabella was greeted by St Eulalia (the patron saint of Barcelona) and three angels who descended from the gate tower ‘cantants ab molta melodia’.

³⁰ Tratado en que se contiene el recebimiento que en Sevilla se hizo al Rey Don Fernando en el que se contienen los rótulos de los arcos triunfales y todas las invenciones que sacaron las iglesias y la cibdad (Seville: Jacobo Cromberger, 1508)Google Scholar. No copies of this Tratado appear to have survived: in addition to Alenda, , Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas públicas, p. 12Google Scholar, it has been cited by y Perosso, F. Escudero, Tipografia Hispalense: Anales bibliogáficos de la ciudad de Sevilla… hasta fines del siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1894)Google Scholar, no. 844, and Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue, no. 778. It was also listed by Ferdinand Columbus in his Regestrum librorum, facs. edn, ed. Huntington, A. M. (New York, 1905)Google Scholar, no. 3256, with the marginal note ‘Costó en Sevilla 4 maravedís’. Although the Tratado itself has been lost, it is possible to reconstruct some of the visual aspects of the entry from the municipal account books studied by Canal, V. Lleó, ‘Recibimiento en Sevilla del rey Fernando el Católico (1508)’, Archivo Hispalense, 188 (Seville, 1978), pp. 9–23Google Scholar, and from the brief descriptions of the royal chroniclers.

³¹ Bryant, , The King and the City, pp. 15–16Google Scholar.

³² Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, pp. 599–601Google Scholar.

³³ Ferdinand's letter to Archbishop Deza was reproduced by Cruz, Santa in his Crónica, pp. 77–8Google Scholar.

³⁴ Alonso Enríquez was ‘family’, the illegitimate son of the Admiral of Castile, don Fadrique Enríquez, a relation of Ferdinand's mother, Juana Enríquez. According to the royal chronicler Galíndez de Carvajal, the Bishop of Osma was criticised by the royal preacher fray Antón de la Peña for having ‘less spirituality than a jar’, and Ferdinand is said to have felt guilty about his preferment (see de Azcona, P. Tarsicio, La elección y reforma del episcopado español en tiempo de los Reyes Católicos (Madrid, 1960), p. 208)Google Scholar The bishop does, however, appear to have been willing to spend money on the Cathedral of Burgo de Osma, rebuilding the cloister and paying for new iron gates for the side chapels, as well as reforming the cathedral statutes (see Corvalan, J. Loperraez, Descripción histórica del opispado de Osma con el catálogo de sus prelados, i (Madrid, 1788; facs. edn, Madrid, 1978), pp. 392–3)Google Scholar.

³⁵ Bernáldez, , Memorias, p. 543Google Scholar: ‘Donde les fué fecho un muy solepne e muy onrrado reçe bimiento por la çibdad e por el arçobispo don Diego de Deç, arçbispo de la mesmaçibdad, e por los canónigos e clerezía, que lo reçebieron con una solepne proçesión. E la çibdad tenía fechos treze [sic] arcos triunfales, de madera, muy altos, cubiertos y enparamentados muy ricamente, desde la puerta de Macarena, por donde entraron, hasta la iglesia: y en cada uno estava pintada y por letras una de las vitorias pasadas avidas por el rey don Fernando, que era cosa maravillosa de ver.’ See also Falomir Faus, ‘Entradas triunfale’, p. 51. It is clear from the accounts studied by Lleó Cañal that in fact twelve arches were erected (see Lleó Cañal, ‘Recebimiento en Sevilla’, p. 14), although Pedro de Alcocer's slightly later chronicle also mentiones thirteen arches: see de Alcocer, P., Relación de algunas cosas que pasaron en estos reynos, desde que murió la reina católica doña Ysabel, hasta que se acabaron las comunidades en la ciudad de Toledo, ed. Gamero, A. M., Sociedad de Bibliófilos Andaluces, l^a serie (Seville, 1872), p. 29Google Scholar. Cruz, Santa (Crónica, p. 109)Google Scholar confirms Bernáldez's description (‘donde le fué hecho gran recebimientopor los de la ciudad, y por el arçobispo y por los de la iglesia, con muchos arcos triunfales muy costosos, do estavan pintadas las vitorias de su Alteza’), while Alcocer is more specific about the decoration of the Seville arches, revealing that these not only were purely military victories but were the most important acts of the king. The first bore the motto ‘Vos, Gran Rey, siempre lo fuisteis/ e ahora no lo sois menos./ Paces a estos reynos’ (an unequivocal rallying cry); a second arch represented the expulsion of the Jews; a third the establishment of the Inquisition; a fourth the reform of the monasteries; a fifth the crusade against the Moors; and a sixth the taking of Granada (Alcocer, , Relatión, p. 29)Google Scholar. It may well be that Alcocer drew his information from the printed relación of this event, now lost.

³⁶ Mitchell, , Italian Civic Pageantry, pp. 83–5Google Scholar.

³⁷ A detailed description of this entry is included in y Zúńiga, D. Ortiz, Annales eclesiasticos y seculares de la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Sevilla (Seville, 1677), pp. 483–8Google Scholar; this would appear to have been based on a contemporary account. Also of interest by way of comparison is the account of the entry of Isabel de Portugal into Zaragoza in 1533: Del Río, A., Teatro y entrada triunfal en la Zaragoza del Renacimiento (Zaragoza, 1988)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Este es el recebimiento que se fizo al rey don Fernando en Valladolid, 30 de enero de 1509, in y Meliá, A. Paz, Serie de los más importantes documentos del archivo y biblioteca del Excmo. señor Duque de Medinaceli (Madrid, 1922), ii, pp. 183–9Google Scholar. This seems to be the only surviving copy of this relación: see Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue, no. 784. Like the lost Seville account, it was printed by Cromberger: see note 80 below.

³⁹ Este es el recebimiento, p. 188. On this occasion, the triumphs were Fortune, the Virtues, Fame, and Time.

⁴⁰ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, pp. 600–3Google Scholar. The child, Juan de Aragón, was born on 3 May 1509 but died almost immediately.

⁴¹ Zurita, , Historia, vii, chapter 11, p. 59Google Scholar. Few details of this entry seem to have been preserved: Alcocer, (Relación, p. 18)Google Scholar states that Philip and Juana ‘were received with all solemnity beneath a brocade canopy’, and de Padilla, Lorenzo (Crónica de Felipe I^o llamado el Hermoso, Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España 8 (Madrid, 1846), p. 146)Google Scholar mentions the ‘great reception’ and ‘many celebrations [fiestas]’ that greeted their arrival.

⁴² This image was commonplace and was much favoured in entries by Charles V: for example, see Marsden, ‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 402, regarding the seven arches built for the Emperor's entry into Seville in 1526. (Fame welcomes Ferdinand among the ranks of those favoured by fortune in 1526.)

⁴³ The Virtues also featured in the Seville entry of 1526: see Ortiz, y Zúñiga, Annales, pp. 483ffGoogle Scholar. Also see Bryant, , The King and the City, p. 127Google Scholar, for this tradition in French royal entries throughout the sixteenth century.

⁴⁴ The Triumph of Fame was featured in Petrarch's, I trionfi (Venice, 1488)Google Scholar. A Castilian edition of this work was printed in Logroño in 1512 by Arnao Guillén de Brocar with the title Los seys triunfos; the translator was the royal chaplain Antonio de Obregón, possibly reflecting an interest in the triumphs of the ancient world among the increasing number of humanists at court. See Norton, , A Descriptive Catalogue, pp. 149–50Google Scholar, no. 419A.

⁴⁵ The anonymous thirteenth-century epic El conde Fernan Gonçalez relates the count's victories over the Moorish troops of the Caliphate of Córdoba and those against the army of the King of Navarre.

⁴⁶ Fame welcomes Ferdinand among the ranks of these heroes, saying that he is not merely worthy of joining them but even extinguishes their flame: Porque estos reyes famados/señalados por mi fama,/ vos, señor, matays su llama' (Este es el recebimiento, p. 188). Such a mix is typical of the heroes represented in entries at this time. In the 1513 entry the figures portrayed alongside Ferdinand are Julius Caesar, Octavian Augustus, Titus Vespasian, Trajan and Constantine; Alfonso I, King of Aragon and Navarre, 1104–34, who was responsible for the reconquest of Zaragoza; King Ramiro of Aragon (1134–7); Alfonso VIII, famous for his victory over the Moors at the battle of Navas de Tolosa in 1212; and Fernando III, who brought together the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in the first half of the thirteenth century. At Charles V's entry into Bologna in 1530 it is interesting to note that his grandfather Ferdinand was included as one of the great defenders of the faith alongside Constantine and Charlemagne, who in turn featured alongside Roman heroes such as Julius Caesar and Trajan: see Cremades, F. Checa, Carlos V y la imagen del héroe en el Renacimiento (Madrid, 1987), pp. 77–124Google Scholar, and Terlinden, Vicomte, ‘La politique italienne de Charles Quint et le ‘triomphe” de Bologne’, Les fêtes de la Renaissance, ii, pp. 29–43Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Este es el recebimiento, p. 183: ‘Si por los estoriadores o coronistas no fuera, clara cosa es los fechos famosos dignos de inmortal memoria fueran puestos en oluido. Do paresce digno de loable gloria todo lo escripto, pues por ello venimos en conocimiento de la causa principal que es lo hecho y quien lo hizo’.

⁴⁸ Este es el recebimiento, p. 183: ‘Esto digo porque en todas las cibdades e villas de nuestra España lean e vean el recebimiento de la muy noble e muy leal villa hecho al muy alto e muy poderoso Don Fernando el Catolico rey despaña Rey de las dos Cecilias e de Jherusalen. Porque leyendo sepan lo que en ella se fizo y viendo a su alteza nos ymiten con seruicios muy altos, pues son para el mas alto principe de los que hauemos leydo ni visto.’

⁴⁹ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, p. 601Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Checa, F., Pintura y escultura del Renacimiento en España, 1450–1600, 3rd edn (Madrid, 1993), p. 89Google Scholar: ‘planteaba a la cultura figurativa española un tema nuevo y que desde un primer momento recibe una respuesta clara: para la representación del guerrero no se dudará, incluso, importar directamente obras de Italia’.

⁵¹ Ferdinand never gave up hope of having a child with Germaine de Foix, however: see Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, p. 601Google Scholar.

⁵² Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, pp. 564–9Google Scholar. See also Fernández, L. Súarez, Fernando el Católico y Navarra: El proceso de incorporación del reino a la corona de España (Madrid, 1985)Google Scholar, and Lacarra, J. Ma., Historia del reino de Navarra en la Edad Media (Pamplona, 1975), pp. 517–54Google Scholar

⁵³ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, p. 568Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ de Palacios Rubios, Juan López, De iusticia et iure obtentionis ac retentionis regni Navarre, necnon et de ipsius terrae situ et antiquitate (Burgos: Fadrique de Basilea, c. 1515–1517)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ de Nebrija, Antonio, De bello navarico (Granada, 1545)Google Scholar; modern edn (Latin/Castilian), Historia de la guerra de Navarra, ed. de Toro, J. López (Madrid, 1953)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘Agora veniendo el rey nuestro señor como arriba deximos de conquistar y ganar el reyno de Navarra y echar del todo el poder de Francia: era mucha razon que su alteza fuesse recebido en esta villa con triunfo qual convenia a su majestad.’

⁵⁷ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘E porque mejor se pueda entender ha se de presuponer que los Romanos antiguamente usavan dar muchas coronas en los triunfos que hazian a los emperadores y otros cavalleros que venian con victoria de las conquistas a que el senado romano los avia embiado.’ While descriptions of Roman crownings abound in Livy's Aburbe condita (see Versnel, H. S., Triumphs; An Inquiry into the Origin, Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Leiden, 1970), pp. 77–9Google Scholar, and Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, 10 vols. (Paris, 1877–1919), i, pp. 1533–7)Google Scholar, and while Pliny (Naturalis historia, lib. 15, chapter 29) describes the crowns of evergreen laurel, gold (the most precious of metals), ‘graminea’ or myrtle (associated with triumphal crowns because in Rome it was conceded to Postumius Tubertus on conquering the Sabines as a symbol of a victory free of bloodshed) and oak (the symbol of strength), Soto's source is clearly Gellius's Noctes atticae (see note 3 above). Gellius describes precisely the crowns featured in Soto's relación, and this source must have been known to him. No edition of this work was published in Spain before 1513, but the many Venetian and Roman editions printed in 1470s onwards became available in Spain (to judge by extant copies in Spanish libraries), and several manuscript copies from the period also survive, notably a manuscript in the Biblioteca Universitaria, Valencia, which came from the library of the Duke of Calabria, de Aragón, Fernando (Inventario de los libros de Don Fernando de Aragón, Duque de Calabria, facs. edn (Valencia, 1992)Google Scholar, nos. 89 and 420). No other Spanish royal entry, as far as is known at present, draws on Gellius's description, although it was certainly quite well known later in the sixteenth century. In his Discursos (see note 3 above), Gurrea y Aragón describes the different crowns in almost exactly the same terms as Soto, citing Gellius as his source. In addition to the Duke of Villahermosa, the Aragonese humanist Antonio Agustín, Archbishop of Tarragona, in the section about victory in his Diálogos de medallas, describes the crowns, explaining each one, much in the manner of Soto's pamphlet: Agustín, A., Diálogos de medallas, inscripciones y otras antigüedades (Tarragona, 1587)Google Scholar, diálogo 2^o Agustín claims to name the crowns he recalls being used by the Roman emperors.

⁵⁸ Lleó Cañal, ‘Recebimiento en Sevilla’, pp. 16–17. Rodríguez Cebadero was ‘maestro mayor’ of the cathedral from 1498 to 1513.

⁵⁹ Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry, cites numerous examples where the cathedral chapter was involved in organising entries. The involvement of the municipal and/or ecclesiastical hierarchies in the planning of such events would vary according to the nature of the power structure within that city. It is clear from the documentation surrounding the royal entries into Barcelona in 1479 and 1481 that the city council met some months before the entry was scheduled to take place to discuss plans for the ceremony, that a committee was formed with the responsibility for putting these plans into action, and that various edicts were issued to the townspeople concerning the cleaning of the streets through which the procession was to pass and the organisation of illuminations. See Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 390–1 and 402–3. This documentation also provides detailed accounts of these entries, as seen from the viewpoint of the coucillors. Ferdinand entered as King of Aragon, following the death of his father earlier in 1479, and, according to long-established custom, swore an oath to protect the rights of the city.

⁶⁰ Este es el recebimiento, p. 189: ‘Fue inuentor e auctor de los triumphos e de las letras trobadas y desta prosa Luys Soto, criado del muy magnifico señor don Alonso Enrriques, obispo de Osma.’ Paz y Melià was mistaken in his suggestion (Serie de los más importantes documentos) that this Soto was the author of verses attributed to the bachiller Luys de Soto in the first part of Pedro de Espinosa's Flores de poetas, which was printed in Valladolid in 1605, as these poems are clearly written in a much later style.

⁶¹ Soto was appointed on 1 September 1509 ‘per capella y cantor’ in Valladolid with a salary of 25,000 maravedís (Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Real Patrimonio, legajo 922, fol. 10^v); on 19 December 1513 his salary was increased to 30,000 maravedís (the maximum paid to chapel singers). In November 1511 he was put forward for a benefice in St James's church, Fisuellino (Leon), though it is not known whether he obtained the position. The appointment document makes it clear that Soto was born in Valladolid.

⁶² El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘Todo esto hizo y ordeno Luys de soto capellan y cantor del rey nuestro señor.’

⁶³ ‘Memorial do triumpho dos primeiros tres arcos que Luis de Souto Coneguo da Igreja major desta Villa de Valhadolid fez ao recebimiento do Primcipe D. Felipe de Castela e da Primceza D. Maria terça feira xx6j dias do mes de Novembro de … a ordem dos quaes he a seguinte’, included in ‘Modo com que se reccbeo a Infanta D. Maria, com a Principe de Castella’, from a document in the Archivo da Casa de Bragança, in de Sousa, A. Caetaneo, Provas da história genealógica da Casa Real Portuguesa, ed. Lopes, M. and Pegado, C., iii (Coimbra, 1948), pp. 197–203Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ No reference has been found in y Martínez, M. Alcocer, Catálogo razonado de obras impresas en Valladolid (1481–1800) (Valladolid, 1926)Google Scholar; but, then, he does not mention the 1509 or 1513 relaciones either.

⁶⁵ These kingly virtues are still being presented on the third arch erected for Anne of Austria's entry into Madrid in 1570: see Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, p. 265. On the same queen's entry into Segovia in 1570, see de Cáceres, F. Collar, ‘Arte y arquitectura en la entrada de Anna de Austria en Segovia’, in de Sepúlveda, Jorge Baéz, Relación verdadera del recebimiento que hizo la ciudad de Segovia a la magestad de la reyna nueslra Señora doña Anna de Austria… (Alcalá de Henares, 1572; modern edn, Segovia, 1998), pp. 177–254Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Marsden, ‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 404, takes the 1543 entry as an example of how making one individual responsible for organising the event would produce a more harmonious effect. (He mistakes the entry, however, believing it to be that into Medina del Campo rather than Valladolid.)

⁶⁷ Marsden, ‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 390, for example: ‘Certes, on peut en rencontrer les éléments – les chars, les arcs etc – mais sporadiquement.’ Paradoxically, Marsden's essay, the only contribution on Spain in Jacquot's Les fêtes de la Renaissance (see note 9 above), has probably served to reinforce the neglect in the study of the fête in the Iberian peninsula through his misplaced emphasis on its traditional and sporadic nature.

⁶⁸ Este es el recebimiento, p. 185: ‘la villa estaua tan alegre, tan atauiada de riquezas e doserese tapeceria tan rica que no faltaua Florencia ni Venecia. Todas las damas hermosas folgauan por ver de ser vistas, que era lo mas de ver, todo tan altamente puesto que yo que soy de la villa e nunca della sali no la conocia.’ On the tradition of a parade of welldressed women (and men), see Smuts, ‘Public Ceremony’, p. 71.

⁶⁹ Ceremonies held abroad might well have been described by ambassadors visiting the court (as Guiccardini, the Florentine ambassador, did in 1513) and by other travellers; further research is needed if Soto's sources of information are to be ascertained.

⁷⁰ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘tocaron los menestriles altos que estavan en el dicho arco sus instrumentos y tañeron unas canciones muy bien compuestas’. There is no reason to think that he might not have composed some of the music: William Cornyshe, his con-temporary in the English royal chapel, fulfilled dual roles as master of ceremonies and composer in entertainments he organised for the court. See Stevens, J., Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court (London, 1961; rev. edn, Cambridge, 1979), p. 251Google Scholar, and Anglo, , Spectacle, Pageantry and Politics, pp. 118–19 and 203–5Google Scholar.

⁷¹ See below for a discussion of the musical elements in Soto's description.

⁷² Bryant, , The King and the City, p. 62Google Scholar.

⁷³ On the question of bishops as patrons of the arts, notably Diego de Deza, see Luaces, J. Yarza, Los Reyes Católicos: Paisaje artístico de una monarquía (Madrid, 1993), pp. 186–93Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ In 1498 Martín Fernández de Angulo was sent by the Catholic Monarchs to France to obtain Charles VIII's signature to the peace treaty with France and in 1504 to Pamplona. See Zurita, , Historia, iii, chapter 19, p. 69, and v, chapter 69, p. 255Google Scholar. Fernández de Angulo took up the post of president in march 1508, being appointed Bishop of Cartagena in September of that year and Bishop of Córdoba in September 1510. He remained in Valladolid until 1515, when he resigned the presidency and went to reside in Córdoba (see de la, Ma.Postigo, S. Martín, Los presidentes de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid (Valladolid: Institución Cultural Simancas, 1982), pp. 35–6)Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ According to Soto, the entry took place ‘por mandado del muy reuerendo z muy magnifico señor el señor Don martin fernandez de angulo obispo de cordoua presidente en la corte y chancilleria real que reside en la dicha villa de valladolid y de su concejo’ (El recebimiento que se hizo). The president was the leading figure in the town and, as such, was ‘obliged to live with the pomp of a mini-court’ (Martín Postigo, p. 12). The president was paid a high salary of 200,000 maravedís, but a complaint from a later president (Fernando de Valdés in 1535) reveals that the expenses resulting from this position were considerable and could not be met unless the incumbent also held another position, usually a bishopric as in the case of Fernández de Angulo, and hence another source of income (Postigo, Martín, Los presidentes, pp. 12–13)Google Scholar. The president's responsibility for the orgnisation of major events in the town of Valladolid is clear from the account of the exequies held for Isabella in late Novermber 1504: ‘E luego los dichos sennores presydente e oydores dieron forma en el hazer de las honrras’ (see García, Ma. A. Varona, La chancillería de Valladolid en el reinado de los Reyes Católicos (Valladolid, 1981), p. 420)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Este es el recebimiento, p. 183: ‘acompañado de muchos caualleros de la villa e suyos, muy ricamente vestidos con tanta alegria e gana que bien mostraua en su gesto lo que tiene en las entrañas’.

⁷⁷ This had some ramifications for the ritual and the music of the entries: for example, gone (at least from the relaciones) are the customary singing angels descending from the gate tower to hand the keys of the city to the monarch (Gómez, ‘Secular Catalan and Occitan Music’, pp. 13ff), and there is scant mention of the customary procession to the main church or to the singing of the Te Deum. On the relationship between king and city, see Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 390–422, and Bryant, The King and the City.

⁷⁸ See below, and McAllister Johnson, W., ‘Essai de critique interne des livres d'entrées français au XVI^e siècle’, in Jacquot, , Les fêtes de la Renaissance, iii, pp. 187–200Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ See note 48 above. Bouza Alvarez, F. J., Del escribano a la biblioteca: La civilizatión escrita europea en la alta edad moderna (siglos XV-XVII) (Madrid, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Norton, , A Descriptive Catalogue, no. 784, p. 295Google Scholar. On the Cromberger press in Seville, see Griffin, C., The Crombergers of Seville. The History of a Printing and Merchant Dynasty (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Gumiel, an expert in woodblocking and typography, was Castilian by birth but worked in Barcelona (1492–?1502) and Valencia as well as Valladolid. For a biographical study, see Oquillas, P. Ontoria, ‘El impresor Diego de Gumiel’, Biblioteca, 6 (Aranda de Duero, 1991), pp. 91–142Google Scholar. Soto's relación was the last of Gumiel's publications in Valladolid, where he had produced some thirty books, including an Arte de canto llano Lux videntis dicha (printed in 1503 and again in 1506), indulgences, and a Castilian translation of Tirant lo Blanch.

⁸² See note 30 above.

⁸³ The relative values of printed books and pamphlets can be gauged from the inventory of Cromberger's stock at the time of his death in June 1529: a copy of the Cancionero general, for example, would cost about 110 maravedís, a copy of Amadis 150 maravedís or Erasmus's Enchiridion about 40 maravedís, etc. Among his stock were 1,411 ‘libretes’ (possibly relaciones?) valued at 8,446 maravedís and, cheapest of all, 50,500 ‘pliegos de coplas’ at 1,500 maravedís.

⁸⁴ See note 8 above.

⁸⁵ Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, pp. 251–2.

⁸⁶ Este es el recebimiento, p. 184: ‘En acabando de hablar la Fortuna, començaron seys cantores de excelentes bozes e arte a cantar este villancico: e si el son se pudiera imprimir paresciera muy mejor.’ Music printing was not established in Spain until considerably later in the sixteenth century: see Knighton, T., ‘A Newly Discovered Keyboard Source (Gonzalo de Baena's Arte nouamente inuentada pera aprender a tanger, Lisbon, 1540): A Preliminary Report’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 5/1 (1996), pp. 81–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar. However, there are two earlier examples of polyphonic song settings being included in broadly propagandist Castilian texts. The first of these is the insertion of the ‘Versos fechos en loor del Condestable’ in the anonymous mid-fifteenth-century chronicle of the Constable of Castile, Miguel Lucas de Iranzo. This is a simple romance for four voices: see Knighton, T., ‘Spaces and Contexts for Listening in 15th-Century Castile: The Case of the Constable's Palace in Jaén’, Early Music, 25/4 (11 1997), pp. 661–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The second example was printed, by woodcut, in Rome in 1493 at the end of Carolo Verardi's Historia Baetica, written in celebration of the taking of Granada. It is also for four voices, but the song text is in Italian: Viva el gran rey don Fernando. See Fenlon, I., Music, Print and Culture in Early Sixteenth-Century Italy, The Panizzi Lectures 1994, The British Library (London, 1995), pp. 16–18Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Alvarez, Bouza, Del escribano a la biblioteca, pp. 23–9Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘diez mancebos todos con sus coronas de laurel y en los pechos cada uno el nombre de quien era’.

⁸⁹ El recebimiento que se hizo.

⁹⁰ Mitchell, , Italian Civic Pageantry, p. 99Google Scholar, and Mitchell, , The Majesty of the State, pp. 130–3Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Marsden, ‘Entrées and fêtes espagnoles’, p. 399. See also Smuts (‘Public Ceremony’, p. 67) on the ‘fragmentary view’ of those attending a procession.

⁹² The almost total silence of the royal chroniclers of the last years of Ferdinand's reign on these entries is surprising: Bernáldez, Santa Cruz, Galíndez Carvajal, Pulgar, Padilla and Alcocer barely mention the Valladolid entries (though Naples, Valencia and Seville receive indifferent coverage), which is surely another reason why they have been passed over by modern historians. There is a general sense in the chronicles of a telescoping of these last years and a paring down to the facts stripped of extraneous detail.

⁹³ Vital, L., Premier voyage de Charles V en Espagne, in Gachard, L. P., Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bos, iii (Brussels, 1881), p. 154Google Scholar: ‘Or, de ce que la ville et les habitans firent à ceste entrée, ce n'estoit point grant chose, à cause que en telle besoigne ne sont point accostumés: toutefois il y avoit, aux embouchements et entrées des rues, en cincque lieux ou en six par où le Roy debvoit passer, des portes de bois, légèrement faictes et estoffés, et des personnaiges accoustrez, représentans des histoires mentionées en certains escripteaulx en langaige castillan. Mais, por ce que point ne l'entendoy et que point ne avoye de expositeur pour me dire la signification, je le mis en non chaloir.’

⁹⁴ Marsden, ‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 402, where Marsden does not draw attention to Vital's admission that he was unable to understand most of what he saw and takes his comment ‘n’estoient pas grant chose' at face value to illustrate his thesis that a tradition for royal entries was not so developed in Spain.

⁹⁵ Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, p. 262.

⁹⁶ Bouza Alvarez, F. J., Cartas de Felipe II a sus hijas (Madrid, 1988), p. 74Google Scholar: letter of 3 September 1582, regarding a procession in Lisbon the previous day, at which, according to Philip, there were some devils that looked like something out of a Bosch painting: ‘Diéronme, la tarde antes, un papel de las cosas que iban en la procesión fuera de las ordinarias y fue muy necesario porque le tuvimos y por él entendíamos lo que era cada cosa.’

⁹⁷ See note 63 above.

⁹⁸ Este es el recebimiento, p. 185: ‘El segundo triumpho estaua en la plaça, el qual era de las siete virtudes puestas en un gran trono al natural assy en el vestido como en las insignias que les pertenecían.’

⁹⁹ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘De mas desto se hizieron por el campo y por las calles danças de mancebos y moças y de espadas y unas folias Portugueses: momos y personajes y otras muchas maneras de alegria.’

¹⁰⁰ It is not clear to what extent the town of Valladolid was transformed by a few triumphal arches. See Checa, , Pintura y escultura del Renacimiento, p. 89Google Scholar: ‘y en un sentido emulatorio de los grandes héroes del mundo clásico. La ciudad medieval se convierte en una urbe clásica.’

¹⁰¹ Este es el recebimiento, p. 184: ‘Andauan por los campos toros encubertados con paramentos pintados de las armas reales, llenos de cascabeles, puesto cada uno su diadema con una F., tan brauos, que no aprouechaban las sogas que lleuauan para que dexasen de hazer harto lugar por do ellos andauan.’

¹⁰² According to Soto's relación, the first triumphal arch, positioned in the main square, was crowned by the figure of Victory, with a standard in her right hand and the seven crowns in the other; the royal coat of arms was positioned at the high point of the arch, and below the shield was the motto ‘Mi nombre favor y gloria/ a emperadores le di/ y vos me le dais a mi’ (El recebimiento que se hizo).

¹⁰³ Furthermore, this is an aspect that has rarely been discussed in detail, mostly because so little of the music for such events actually survives. See Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, p. 251.

¹⁰⁴ One of the purposes of the printed relación was undoubtedly to circulate these texts to a wider public.

¹⁰⁵ At other times, however, Soto resorts to the vague terms generally employed by chroniclers: ‘many singers’ (1509, the villancico sung during the third triumph) or ‘some singers’ (the final villancico in 1513).

¹⁰⁶ Alenda, , Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas públicas, pp. 41–3Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ See note 26 above. See also, for an example of the tradition of minstrels playing from the ramparts of the city, Bowles, E., Musical Ensembles in Festival Books, 1500–1800: An Iconographical and Documentary Survey, Studies in Music 103 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989)Google Scholar, fig. 8, depicting the entry of the Archduke Charles into Bruges in 1515. The most famous example of musicians being positioned in triumphal cars is that of the triumphs of Maximilian I, as depicted by Hans Burgkmair and others: see Bowles, op. cit., figs. 1–7.

¹⁰⁸ Gómez, ‘Secular Catalan and Occitan Music’, pp. 16–17.

¹⁰⁹ The singers for the villancico performed to accompany the third triumph, for example, are described as being ‘en este triumpho’ (Este es el recebimiento, p. 188).

¹¹⁰ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘Dentro deste arco estavan metidos siete menistriles altos … Acabadas estas coplas tocaron los menestriles altos que estavan en el dicho arco sus instrumentos y tañeron una canciones muy bien compuestas: y assi paso su alteza por baxo del arco.’

¹¹¹ El recebimiento que se hizo: ‘Dichas estas coplas luego començaron unos cantores que estavan dentro deste cerco a cantar en canto de organo el villancico siguiente.’

¹¹² Alenda, , Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas públicas, pp. 42–3Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Carreras, ‘El Parnaso encantado’, p. 262.

¹¹⁴ The Te deum was sung by the first triumphal arch of the 1507 Naples entry, although Cruz, Santa (Crónica, p. 73)Google Scholar does not specify the positioning of the singers: ‘Donde avía gran música de cantores, que cantaron Te Deum laudamus.’ It is interesting that the singing of the Te Deum, such an integral part of royal entries and other occasions, is not mentioned in either of Soto's accounts; possibly he did not think it necessary to do so, but this in itself may reflect the extent to which these accounts try to interpret the entry as an instrumentum regi. On the Te Deum in processions, see Zak, S., ‘Das Tedeum als Huldingungsgesang’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 102/1 (1982), pp. 1–32Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Gómez, ‘Secular Catalan and Occitan Music’, pp. 16–17. The only hint of two-part music is where two angels descend from the towers of the gate, but even this might well have been a monophonic song. The same is very probably true of the three angels who greeted Isabella in Barcelona in 1481, see Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 406–7. It is significant that these salutatory ‘angels’ no longer appear in the 1509 and 1513 relaciones; this aural and visual element has clearly given way to the more classically inspired iconography.

¹¹⁶ See note 86 above (‘seys cantores de excelentes bozes e arte’). However, the word ‘arte’ is often associated with polyphonic performance at this period.

¹¹⁷ ‘Canto de organo’ begins to be specified in a number of printed sources from the first decade of the sixteenth century, notably in the plays of Juan del Encina, Lucas Fernández and Gil Vicente.

¹¹⁸ A study of the question of the relationship between polyphony and power will form part of a forthcoming book: T. Knighton, Music and Culture at the Court of the Catholic Monarchs. See also Zak, S., Musik als ‘Ehr und Zier’ im mittelalterlichen Reich. Studien zur Musik im höfischen Leben Recht und Zeremoniell (Neuss, 1979)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Cancionero Musical de Palacio, no. 130; modern edn, ed. Anglès, H., La música en la corte de los Reyes Católicos, Monumentos de la Música Española 5 (Barcelona, 1947)Google Scholar. Anchieta served in the royal chapels from 1489 until Ferdinand's death in 1516.

¹²⁰ Figueras, J. Romeu, La música en la corte de los Reyes Católicos, Monumentos de la Música Española 14/1 (Barcelona, 1965), pp. 308–9Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Hillgarth, , The Spanish Kingdoms, ii, pp. 363 and 371Google Scholar. This is also the theme of another ballad, Setenil, ay Setenil (1484) (Cancionero Musical de Palacio, no. 143).

¹²² The iconography of Ferdinand also reveals a shift from the medieval prince to the Roman hero, the most striking example being found in the decorations, commissioned by Leo X from Raphael and his followers, in the stanze in the Vatican Palace. In the fresco showing the Battle of Ostia (in the Stanza dell'Incendio di Borgo), Ferdinand's portrait is found below the depiction (completed by Giulio Romano, 1515–16) of the battle, which marks a defeat against the Turks in 849; here he is shown as a conquering hero, crowned, in the armour of a Roman emperor and with the motto “FERDINANDUS REX CATHOLICUS CHRISTIANI IMPERII PROPAGATOR”. His likeness is placed alongside those of other great defenders of the faith, including Charlemagne, Lothar I and Godefroy de Bouillon.

¹²³ Bernáldez, , Memorias, p. 209Google Scholar: ‘llegó al real … donde le fué fecho solepne recebimiento como solía en los otros reales’. As Bernáldez suggests, these occasions, numerous in the later 1480s and early 1490s, provided repeated opportunities for royal entries, but contemporary descriptions of them are limited to conventional accounts of the numbers in the processions and the noise raised by the trumpets and drums; for example, the highlight of Isabella's 1489 entry was, according to Bernáldez, the appearance of the Moors on the city towers to watch the reception and the noise of the trumpets: ‘a ver la gente del recebimiento e oír las músicas de tantas [trompetas] bastardas e clarines e tronpetas italianas e cheremías e sacabuches e dulçainas e atabales, que parescían quel sonido llegava al cielo’.

¹²⁴ See note 26 above.

¹²⁵ That singers capable of singing polyphony formed part of the president's mini-court is clear from the description of the exequies held in the town to mark the death of Isabella: see note 73 above, and note 131 below.

¹²⁶ This was customarily the case in Corpus Christi processions (see Kreitner, K., ‘The Corpus Christi Procession of Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Early Music History, 14 (1995), pp. 153–204)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and also in royal entries: in Barcelona in 1479 Ferdinand was greeted by the twenty-four trumpeters and minstrels gathered by the town council for this purpose (Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 390–2).

¹²⁷ Knighton, T., ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Ferdinand of Aragon, 1474–1516’, Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1983, ii, pp. 79–100Google Scholar. In January 1509 there were thirty-six singers paid in the Aragonese royal chapel and nine ministriles altos (although one was marked as absent at the time of the entry); in 1513 the number of chapel singers was forty-four, while the alta cappella remained stable at eight.

¹²⁸ Bryant, The King and the City. An interesting example of the lack of cooperation between a cathedral hierarchy and a court chapel dates from slightly later in the sixteenth century when Charles V attended Mass at Toledo Cathedral on 1 May 1525. A compromise was reached with the polyphonic sections of the Mass being divided between the singers of the royal chapel and the cathedral choir: see Reynaud, F., La polyphonie tolédane et son milieu: Des premiers témoignages aux environs de 1600 (Paris, 1996), p. 374Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Marsden, ‘Entrées et fêtes espagnoles’, p. 393. Such popular elements were common to entries throughout Europe, but it suited Marsden's claims for the relative backwardness of Spanish entries to suggest that a greater emphasis was placed on such aspects there. It is certainly a subject that should be explored in greater depth.

¹³⁰ Este es el recebimiento, p. 183: ‘Ya su alteza a trecho pequeño de la villa, salieron muchas danças despadas de los labradores de la comarca con tan grand grito quel cielo traspassauan, en que hauia mas de dozientos, cosa mucho de ver. Tras estos salieron todas las labradoras rezien casadas, desposadas e moças de la tierra con infinitos panderos e muchos cantares alegres, cantando e baylando delante su alteza.’

¹³¹ García, Varona, La chancillería de Valladolid, p. 420Google Scholar.

¹³² ‘a donde el sennor obyspo salio de pontefical e dixeron las bysperas el cabyldo e cantores de su sennoria muy suntuosamente a tres bozes’ (García, Varona, La chancillería de Valladolid, p. 420)Google Scholar.

¹³³ Machiavelli wrote of Ferdinand, ‘He might almost be called a new ruler because, from being a weak king, he has become the most famous and glorious king in Christendom. And if his achievements are examined, they will all be found to be very remarkable, and some of them quite extraordinary.’ Machiavelli, N., The Prince, ed. Skinner, Q. and Price, R. (Cambridge, 1988), p. 76Google Scholar. Some awareness of Ferdinand's development as a ruler would seem to be reflected in the transformation of the ritual surrounding the royal entries of the last years of his reign. His portrayal as a warrior–hero at this time certainly became a model for his successors, not only in Charles V's entry into Bologna, but also as late as the reign of Charles II (1661–1700): see the account of this Charles's triumphal entry into Zaragoza in 1677 by Bremundans, Francisco Frabro (Viage del rey nuestro señor don Carlos II al reìno de Aragón (Madrid, 1680), facs. edn (Zaragoza, 1985), p. 74)Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ Guiccardini, F., Relación de España, ed. Fabié, A. M.. in Viajes, p. 213Google Scholar: ‘He is illiterate, but very urbane; it is easy to gain access to him and his replies are always very gratifying and very attentive, and there are few who come out dissatisfied, at least with his words.’

¹³⁵ Turner, V., The Ritual Process (Chicago, 1969), pp. 131–3Google Scholar, cited in Smuts, ‘Public Ceremony’, p. 76.