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Toledo, Rome and the legacy of Gaul

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Kenneth Levy
Affiliation:
Princeton University

Extract

Between the late sixth and mid-ninth centuries the lengthy process unfolded that brought substantial unity to the liturgical-musical practice of the Western Church. The Roman-Benedictine liturgy of Gregory the Great was taken to England in 596–7 by the Italianborn Augustine, prior of the Monastery of St Andrew on the Caelian hill. His purpose was to substitute Roman observance for entrenched Anglo-Saxon, Celtic and Gallican rites as well as pagan customs. Yet when Augustine questioned Gregory about the variety of Christian usages he found, the pope was unwilling to offend local sensibilities and impede the Anglo-Saxons' conversion. Augustine was told to leave in place whatever of the local rites seemed desirable. During the seventh and early eighth centuries an accelerating missionary activity spread the Roman liturgy through France, Germany and northern Italy. Yet wherever it arrived it became similarly intermixed with local material, and it was not until the mid-eighth century that vigorous measures were taken to impose a purer Roman usage. The change came about not through ecclesiastical initiative but through the practical politics of a pious Frankish monarch. Pepin the Short (714–68) sought to increase unity throughout his domain by imposing the Roman rite. He asked Stephen iii (752–7) for clerics to teach the musical rite, and Stephen's successor Paul i (757–67) sent Roman chant books, an ‘antiphonale et responsale’, presumably without notation.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1984

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References

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26 The New Grove, xiii, p. 515; ‘é talora possibile “ricostruire” un offertorio, almeno per quanto riguarda il testo e la struttura generale, risalendo ad una forma più antica di quella tramandata da un'unica tradizione’, in Osservazioni sui versetti degli offertori ambrosiani’, Archivio Ambrosiano, 22 (1972), p. 57Google Scholar; also in ‘Le origini del canto liturgico nella chiesa latina e la formazione dei repertori italici’, Renovatio (1978), no. 1, p. 47Google Scholar: ‘si osservano indubbie e certo non casuali affinità tra la versione gregoriana e ispanica … come nel caso dell'offertorio … Oravi Deum’.

27 Randel, D. M., An Index to the Chant of the Mozarabic Rite (Princeton, 1973)Google Scholar: the indispensable inventory. A handful of moz chants preserved in heighted palimpsest Aquitanian neumes are transcribed in Rojo, C. and Prado, G., El canto mozárabe (Madrid, 1929)Google Scholar.

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34 See note 25, above.

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74 Borella, , Il rito ambrosiano, pp. 451ffGoogle Scholar, summarises the positions; exceptions are raised by Huglo, , Fonti e paleografia, pp. 117–37Google Scholar; and by Baroffio, , Die Offertorien, and in ‘Offertory’, The New Grove, xii, p. 515Google Scholar.

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85 A manuscript from Ravenna (Padua, Biblioteca capitolare, MS a. 47) can be added to the five sources (all central or north Italian) listed by Hesbert, , Sextuplex, p. xxxviGoogle Scholar, n.3, and Frere, W. H., The Sarum Gradual (London, 1895), p. lxxxivGoogle Scholar.

86 Paléographie Musicale, ser. I, 5–6 (1896–1900), fol. 18; the chant does not circulate as a Responsory in either greg (Hesbert, , Corpus antiphonalium officii, Rome, 1963–)Google Scholar or rom (Cutter, Musical Sources of the Old Roman Mass, including an inventory of the Office chants).

87 Vogel, C., La Reforme cultuelle sous Pépin le Bref et sous Charlemagne (Graz, 1965), p. 190Google Scholar, n. 41.

88 Deshusses, , Le sacramentaire grégorien, pp. 4775Google Scholar. Vogel, C. and Elze, R., Le pontifical romano-germanique du dixième Siècle, Studi e Testi 226–7Google Scholar (Vatican City, 1963).

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92 Klauser, T., ‘Die liturgischen Austauschbeziehungen zwischen der römischen und der fränkisch-deutschen Kirche vom achten bis zum elften Jahrhundert’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 53 (1933), pp. 186–7Google Scholar, points to comparable Roman liturgical accretions during the 960s.

93 Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia, ii, ed. Hanssens, I. M., Studi e Testi 139 (Vatican City, 1948), p. 373Google Scholar.

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97 In ‘A Gregorian Processional Antiphon’, forthcoming in Report of the Thirteenth International Congress [of the International Musicological Society, Strasbourg, 1982], I argue that the processional antiphon Deprecamur te Domine, as found in Frankish-derived sources of the tenth to twelfth centuries, may faithfully represent an Italian (Roman-Benedictine or Beneventan) melodic state of the seventh to eighth century.

98 The question of ‘melodic archetypes’ is discussed in an important article by Connolly, Thomas H., ‘Introits and Archetypes: Some Archaisms of the Old Roman Chant’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 25 (1972), pp. 157–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99 Lowe, E. A., ‘Two New Latin Liturgical Fragments on Mount Sinai’, and B. Fischer, ‘Zur Liturgie der lateinischen Hss. von Sinai’, Revue Bénédictine, 74 (1964), pp. 252–83 and 284–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 Byzantine and Slavic rites since the ninth century use just four chants for the Offertory or Cherubic Hymn’; versions and discussion in my ‘A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 16 (1963), pp. 127ff, 158–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A larger selection of Proper Offertory chants is found in the early usage of Jerusalem; Leeb, H., Die Gesänge im Gemeindegottesdienst von Jerusalem (vom 5. bis 8. Jahrhundert) (Vienna, 1970), pp. 113–24Google Scholar; Taft, R., ‘A Proper Offertory Chant for Easter in Some Slavonic Manuscripts’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 36 (1970), pp. 437–43Google Scholar.

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