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New sources of English fifteenth- and sixteenth-century polyphony

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Roger Bowers
Affiliation:
University of Cambridge
Andrew Wathey
Affiliation:
University of Oxford

Extract

This article presents descriptions of four newly discovered sources of English late-medieval polyphony. Three concern music for the celebration of Mass; the fourth expands the known repertory of Latin and vernacular carols.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1984

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References

1 4 vols. (Oxford, 1969–), i, pp. vii–xiii; ii, pp. vii–ix; iii, p. vii.

2 The authors wish to thank Miss A. P. Taylor (Archivist) and Mrs S. Rodger (Assistant Librarian) for their kind assistance during their visits to Arundel Castle. The facsimiles and transcriptions are published by kind permission of His Grace the Duke of Norfolk.

3 Dreves, G. M. and Blume, K., eds., Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, 55 vols. (Leipzig, 18861922), xxxi, pp. 198–9Google Scholar.

4 The obscure composer John Ludford appears to have been of a somewhat earlier generation, and thus to be a less plausible candidate for identification. For discussions of the career and music of Nicholas Ludford, see Baillie, H., ‘Nicholas Ludford (c. 1485– c. 1557)’, The Musical Quarterly, 44 (1958), pp. 196208CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bergsagel, J., ‘An Introduction to Ludford’, Musica Disciplina, 14 (1960), pp. 105–30Google Scholar; idem, On the Performance of Ludford's Alternatim Masses’, Musica Disciplina, 16 (1962), pp. 3547Google Scholar. Ludford's surviving music is published in Bergsagel, J., ed., Nicholas Ludford: Collected Works, 3 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 27 (Rome, 1963–)Google Scholar; the final volume, containing the votive antiphons, still awaits publication.

5 Two compositions known from concordances to be by Ludford survive anonymously in London, Lambeth Palace, MS 1. An anonymous setting of Gaude flore virginali also survives in this manuscript; however, the present bass part does not concord with it.

6 As suggested by e.g. Bent, M., Fifteenth-Century Liturgical Music, II: Four Anonymous Masses, Early English Church Music 22 (1979), p. xivGoogle Scholar; observations in a similar vein occur in Harrison, F., Music in Medieval Britain, 2nd edn (London, 1963), p. 314, n. 1Google Scholar.

7 Steer, F. W., Arundel Castle Archives, 4 vols. (Chichester, 19681980)Google Scholar.

8 Examples include London, British Library, Add. MS 33989, fols. 128, 142 (a single leaf subsequently used as a wrapper for a volume of accounts) and Cambridge, University Library, MS Buxton 96 (see Bowers, R., description in Fenlon, I. A., ed., Cambridge Music Manuscripts 900–1700, Cambridge, 1982, pp. 114–17)Google Scholar.

9 The late-sixteenth-century endorsement ‘hundredum et Curia de Nundinis de Arrundell’ was evidently written by someone who could read the marginal sub-heading at the top of the membrane, but did not recognise the larger account from which it came. Steer, , Arundel Castle Archives, ii, p. 14Google Scholar, unfortunately based his description of MS a340 on this misleading endorsement. His dating of the handwriting on the recto to ‘mid 14th C.’is evidently an oversight, since the two hands involved are both clearly of the first half of the fifteenth century.

10 Arundel Castle, MS a230: account of John Bartelot senior, Receiver of the revenues of Beatrice, Countess of Arundel and Surrey ‘de dote sua’, 1424/5, sub ‘Placita et perquisita hundredi et Curie libertatis Arundell’.

11 Tierney, M. A., The History and Antiquities of the Castle and Town of Arundel (London, 1834), pp. 283–4Google Scholar.

12 Unfortunately, it appears at present that no other account-rolls from this series survive anywhere, either complete or as fragments.

13 It is not difficult to imagine how Ludford's music became known in these quarters; he was one of the leading composers of his day, and it is to be expected that his music would circulate widely. Nevertheless, it may be noted that in addition there were particular links between the Fitzalans and the circles in which Ludford is known to have been working. The penultimate (and almost certainly non-resident) Master of the family's chantry college, Holy Trinity College, Arundel, was Edward Higgons (1517–38), a prominent royal lawyer whose appointment, even though probably suggested by the King, must certainly have been agreeable to the then Earl of Arundel, as the college's patron; this Edward Higgons was also a canon and prebendary of the collegiate church of St Stephen, Westminster, where Ludford is known to have been employed (at least at the end of his career), and was himself musician enough to have commissioned the making of the Caius College Choirbook, probably for St Stephen's (Cambridge, University Library, MS Gonville and Caius College 667; description by Bowers, R. in Fenlon, Cambridge Music Manuscripts, pp. 126–8)Google Scholar.

14 An outline of the history of this college is given in Tierney, , The History and Antiquities of the Castle and Town of Arundel, pp. 591622Google Scholar, and a transcript of the foundation statutes is given ibid., pp. 752–72; for the constitution of the choir, see pp. 753–5.

15 See e.g. Receiver's Accounts 1476/7, 1490/1: Arundel Castle, MSS ca14, 16, sub ‘feoda et vadia Hospicii’; Bursar's Account 1484/5: ibid., MS ca15, sub ‘[Communa]’.

16 Receiver's Accounts, 1455/6, 1458/9: ibid., MSS ca12, 13. Hitherto neither a forename nor any biographical information appears to have been available for Blome.

17 Receiver's Accounts 1476/7, 1490/1: ibid., MSS ca14, 16. This establishes that Lambe was a lay clerk of Arundel College before becoming a clerk of St George's Chapel Windsor in 1479, and returned to Arundel during his absence from Windsor between 1484 (or 1485) and 1492. During 1490/1 a boy named Edward Lambe was one of the choristers of Arundel College.

18 Receiver's Accounts 1476/7–1499/1500: ibid., MSS ca14, 16–19; Bursar's Account 1484/5: ibid., MS ca15. Hitherto no biographical information appears to have been available for Huchyn.

19 Receiver's Account 1512/3: ibid., MS ca24, sub ‘Expense necessarie’: ‘… ac in denariis solutis Nicholao Wykes pro le prykyng diversarum missarum et aliorum cantuum per mandatum magistri’ (sum not specified).

20 organ bookes

Item an olde organ booke bounde with bordes 2° folio Et in terra

Item a newe organ booke of the gift of Sir John Grendon parson of Westborn 2° folio voluntatis

Item an olde Quayer noted with placebo and Dirige of the gift of Sir R. Russell 2° folio tua valde debilis

Inventories 1505, 1517: ibid., MSS ca60, 61; printed in full (not wholly accurately) and discussed in St John Hope, W. H., ‘On an Inventory of the Goods of the Collegiate Church of the Holy Trinity, Arundel, taken 1st October 9 Henry viii (1517)’, Archaeologia, 61 (1908), pp. 6196CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Richard Russell had been a clerk of the College in the mid-fifteenth century.

21 Fols. 10v–20r; complete transcription from Brussels 5557 in Curtis, G. R. K., ‘The English Masses of Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 5557’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Manchester, 1979), ii, pp. 124–43Google Scholar. The structure of the Mass is analysed ibid., i, pp. 107–20.

22 Curtis, ‘The English Masses’, i, pp. 45, 120–5.

23 In the Arundel source, the clef and associated stave-signature of the superius has been entirely lost through the destruction of the left-hand margin of the page, but can be restored as C3, apparently without signature.

24 There is an extensive discussion of ‘manuscript accidental’ practice in the Brussels version of this Mass in Curtis, ‘The English Masses’, i, pp. 225–43, and pp. 243–86 passim.

25 Alternatively, the missing text could conceivably have been set to monophonic measured music (e.g. a ‘square’) performed by a separate voice, after the manner adopted by Ludford for five of the settings of Gloria in his seven three-part Lady-Masses (Bergsagel, Nicholas Ludford: Collected Works, i).

26 This conclusion does not rule out the possibility that its provenance was one or the other of the pre-Reformation Arundel choirs (see above, pp. 302–3); however, there is clearly no particular reason for thinking that either of those institutions has any claim stronger than any other in the country.

27 The following abbreviations are used in this description: MC = Stevens, J., ed., Mediaeval Carols, 2nd edn, Musica Britannica 4 (London, 1958)Google Scholar; EEC = Greene, R. L., The Early English Carols, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1977)Google Scholar; SC = Madan, F. and Craster, H. H. E., Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1890–)Google Scholar.

28 EEC, pp. 295–6 and 13–14. The letters assigned to the fragments are now slightly illogical since I only later realised that the carol Verbum Patris hodie goes from the recto to the verso of a single sheet, fol. III. But the quality of the present remounting makes relettering of the various individual fragments seem superfluous. Greene assigned to the fragments numbers which do not appear on the strips. A concordance between Greene's numbers and the present letters follows: 1 = bv, 2 = ar, 3 = cv, 4 = iv, 5 = kr, 6 = mv, 7 = lv, 8 = hr, 9 = gr, 10 = fr, 11 = er, 12 = dr. After I had examined MS Bodley 88 in April 1978 fragments j and n–p were retrieved and incorporated into the present reconstruction which is as follows (reading from left to right): fol. Ir = fragments ar (incorporating pr) and br; fol. IIr = fragments cr, dr (incorporating er)), fr and g r; fol. IIIr = fragments mv, lv, iv, hv, kv and jr. Fragments n and o were so small that they could not be labelled and have been incorporated so well into fol. III that they can no longer be isolated. Figures 4–6 are reproduced by kind permission of the Curators of the Bodleian Library.

29 SC no. 1873. Greene erroneously stated that the strips came from MS Bodley 77 (SC no. 2265), a well-known collection of music theory dating from the fifteenth century. The date and source of accession of MS Bodley 88 into the Bodleian are unknown, but the identification of this copy with the copy listed in James, T., Catalogus Universalis Librorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana cum appendice (Oxford, 1620), p. 259Google Scholar, as ‘Horologium’ with the shelfmark ‘8°.h.56’ is confirmed by the appearance of that shelfmark on the outside front cover and flyleaves.

30 Proctor, R., An Index to the Early Printed Books in the British Museum (London, 1898), p. 675Google Scholar (no. 1999). On Thierry Martens, see Rouzet, A., Dictionnaire des imprimeurs, libraires et éditeurs des XVe et XVIe siècles dans les limites géographiques de la Belgique actuelle (Nieuwkoop, 1975), p. 140Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Martinus, Theodoricus’.

31 SC, ii/1, pp. xiv–xv (no. 1873).

32 Duncumb, J., Collections towards the History and Antiquities of the County of Hereford, ii/i (Hereford, 1812), p. 81Google Scholar, states that Chepman became portionary from 1465 until he was succeeded in 1481 by John Gerney. Clearly the latter date is incorrect, and can now be corrected in view of the information on this flyleaf.

33 Dr Bruce Barker-Benfield, Assistant Librarian in the Department of Western Manuscripts at the Bodleian Library, tactfully showed me the way to this inevitable conclusion and provided me with most of the information that went towards these paragraphs.

34 Emden, A. B., Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (Oxford, 1957), i, p. 236Google Scholar.

36 A search through the early bindings in the Hereford Cathedral Library revealed only two books remotely similar (e.5.9. and n.1.5.), both containing parchment binding strips to reinforce the sewing (which are in any case not rare) but otherwise providing no evidence that MS Bodley 88 was at all connected with that library. But somewhere there may well be bindings containing more of the same carol manuscript. I owe considerable thanks to Miss Penelope E. Morgan, Joint Honorary Librarian, for her patience and care on the occasion of my visit to Hereford in 1978.

37 Their dimensions are: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Arch. Selden b.26, 260 × 180 mm; London, British Library, MS Egerton 3307, 290 × 210 mm; ibid., Add. MS 5465 (‘Ritson Manuscript’), 250 × 180 mm; ibid., Add. MS 5665 (‘Fayrfax Manuscript’), 295 × 210 mm.

38 It cannot be the remaining text for the Nativity carol 2 on fol. Ir-v (see below) because the few surviving bars of that carol, whatever else they may not tell us, at least make it clear that it had a stanza of not fewer than four lines, whereas the text of 5 is in three-line stanzas.

39 This poem does not appear in Greene because it is entirely in Latin; and it might be said here that a systematic study of the Latin carol-texts in fifteenth-century England could add usefully to our understanding of the subject.

40 The visible variants (following the style used by Stevens in MC) are: 10 i B: no flat/ 14 i E: qE qD/ 58 i DE: cE/ 70 ii FC: CG (error)/ 73 i E: qE qD. There are no apparent textual variants apart from the extra stanza discussed below. Bodley 88* supports Stevens’ position on musica ficta, as described in his commentary: while the tenor has a B♭ key-signature for all that can be seen of the two burdens, there is no key-signature for the verse line beginning at bar 45.

41 The normal pattern in Egerton 3307 is to place these larger carols across an opening: the left-hand page contains all the two-voice sections, and the right-hand page contains the three-voice sections together with any stanzas of text that have not been underlaid directly to the music.

42 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Arch. Selden b. 26, fol. 18r-v, contains the carol As I lay upon a night, MC no. 11a, with its last two stanzas on the verso.

43 In the revised second edition of MC (1958) Stevens offered orders of performance often substantially different from those given in the first edition (1953), basing the changes largely on the arguments by Manfred Bukofzer in his famous review of the volume, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 7 (1954), pp. 63ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 MC nos. 17, 20, 27, 29, 30, 36, 51, 75, 77–9, 91, 118.

45 EEC no. 332, from Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Eng. poet. e. 1, fol. 27lv; the entire manuscript is edited in Wright, T., Songs and Carols now first Printed from a Manuscript of the Fifteenth Century (London, 1847)Google Scholar, also as Percy Society, xxiii/1 (London, 1848).

46 The text underlay in Example 3b differs from that in MC no. 59 because although the latter reflects the evidence of the manuscript it makes little musical sense. Throughout the carol repertory a line of poetry is set by a phrase of music, ending with a cadence. The few cases where the texting is apparently otherwise are a result of scribal error or scribal difficulty: to copy the text first (which was the normal pattern in carol sources, especially because so much of the music is texted syllabically) presents particular complications of alignment when there are two or more lines of music to be copied above the text. Moreover the details of texting are on the whole so obvious that scribes often allowed the elegance of the page to take precedence over accuracy of underlay. In his Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York, 1950), p. 157Google Scholar, Manfred F. Bukofzer discusses another case where musical sense contradicts the texting in the manuscript of Almighty Jesu, king of bliss, MC no. 64 – 1 in the present set of fragments. It would be foolish to deny the common sense of John Stevens in transcribing what appears in the manuscripts for his scholarly edition, changing the underlay only when it is plainly impossible (as in MC nos. 47, 55–6, 60–1); but there remains considerable room for disagreement with his solutions if consistency of transcription technique is not considered an ideal.

47 Variants from MC no. 64 are: 33 i AF: in ligature/ 44 i ED: not in ligature/ 43–5 ii: music apparently not entered on the empty stave, as though copying was not completed/ text stanza 5, line 2 begins: Inquirentes.

48 This happens in two-thirds of the carols in Selden b.26 and Egerton 3307. It is more likely that the clef changes from C1 to C2 somewhere before the last six notes than that the verse ends with a cadence on E.

49 It is relatively common in the carol repertory at this date for the verses to end with the same text as the burden; see Stevens', ‘Analytical Table’ in MC, pp. 126–37Google Scholar.

50 Cf. MC nos. 51,53, 55, 71, 76.

51 On de Brailes and his assistants, and the de Brailes Psalter (New College MS 322), see Morgan, N., Early Gothic Manuscripts [i]: 1190–1250, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 4 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 121–3Google Scholar. Examples 7 and 8 are reproduced by kind permission of the Warden and Fellows of New College.

52 Fol. 300r, ‘Liber magistri Ricardi Harton quem emit ab executore domini Johannis Grene pro iiij li. vj s. viij d.’

53 Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A. D. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 19581959), ii, pp. 818–19Google Scholar. Greene's will is printed in Jacob, E. F., ed., The Register of Henry Chichele, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1413–1443, Canterbury and York Society, 4 vols. (Oxford, 19381947), ii, pp. 514–15Google Scholar, and includes no mention of this book. For Richard Hertone, see Emden, , A Biographical Register, ii, p. 920Google Scholar.

54 Fol. 4r, ‘Liber Collegii ex dono magistri Willelmi Westbury sacre theologie bacallarie [sic] huius Collegii socii et Collegii beate Marie de Etona prepositi’. For Westbury, see Emden, , A Biographical Register, iii, pp. 2020–1Google Scholar.

55 For book lists at New College, see Ker, N. R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 2nd edn (London, 1964), p. 148Google Scholar. For Winchester College lists see ibid., p. 202.

56 On the general history of Winchester College and New College Oxford see Knowles, D. and Hadcock, R. N., Medieval English Religious Houses: England and Wales, 2nd edn (London, 1971), pp. 453, 456Google Scholar; Buxton, J. and Williams, P., eds., New College Oxford, 1379–1979 (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar; Custance, R., ed., Winchester College: Sixth-Centenary Essays (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar; Kirby, J. F., Annals of Winchester College from 1382 to the Present Time (London, 1892)Google Scholar; Leach, A. F., History of Winchester College (London, 1899)Google Scholar; Rannie, A., The Story of Music at Winchester College, 1394–1969 (Winchester, 1970)Google Scholar.

57 Winchester College, Liber Albus, fol. 32r. This book appears also in the lists of 1405, 1421/2, 1431/2, and 1432/3 (Winchester College Muniments 21863, 21865–7), and must date from 1404 or before.

58 The binding bears Gibson's Roll xxvii (Oldham FPg (7)); see Gibson, S., Early Oxford Bindings (Oxford, 1903)Google Scholar; Oldham, J. B., English Blind-Stamped Bindings (Oxford, 1952)Google Scholar. Adams was paid by New College in 1612/3 (New College Muniment 7611, Bursar's Account), and was active elsewhere in Oxford c. 1614–15 (Ker, N. R., Fragments of Medieval Manuscripts Used as Pastedowns in Oxford Bindings, Oxford Bibliographical Society Publications, new series 5, Oxford, 1954, p. 219)Google Scholar.

59 Pollard, G., ‘Describing Medieval Bookbindings’, Medieval Learning and Literature: Essays Presented to Richard William Hunt, ed.Alexander, J.J. G. and Gibson, M. T. (Oxford, 1976), pp. 5065Google Scholar.

60 For the Rex splendens plainsong see Frere, ed., Graduale Sarisburiense, plate 7*.

61 For these two settings, see Lefferts', Peter letter in Music and Letters, 60 (1979), pp. 250–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Add. MS 38651 is described in Bent, M., ‘New and Little-Known Fragments of Medieval English Polyphony’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 21 (1968), pp. 137–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The plainsong is reproduced in Harrison, F. and Wibberley, R., Manuscripts of Fourteenth-Century English Polyphony: A Selection of Facsimiles, Early English Church Music 26 (London, 1981), p. 86Google Scholar.

62 Especially Baillie, ‘Squares’; Bent, M., ‘Square’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1981)Google Scholar. The term ‘square’ is coupled with the melodies from Lansdowne MS 462 only in the Marian Gyffard partbooks (London, British Library, Add. MSS 17802–5). Late-fifteenth-century documentary references to squares are summarised in Baillie, pp. 180–1, 187, and Harrison, F., Music in Medieval Britain (London, 1958), p. 292Google Scholar; some of this evidence points to an association with service-books for the Mass. We hear first of the term ‘square’ in an inventory of the goods of John Holland, Duke of Exeter, made after his death in 1447 (Westminster Abbey Muniment 6643, m. 2: ‘Item j. boke of square note’), and also in a list of books at the Collegiate Church of St Mary, Warwick in 1465 (London, Public Record Office, e 154/1/46, m. 1: ‘Item j. quayer of olde prikked song in parchemyn of square note – Item an olde reed parchemyn book of square note and other songes of the gieft of Sir Thomas Tippes’. The second of these books was added to the list at a later date). It remains unclear whether the term here shares the significance of its later appearances, or simply describes the appearance of the notation. A German booklist may use a similar term in this sense: ‘… ac eciam antifonarium cum musica quadrata XL florenos auri valentes’ (Lehmann, P., ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz I: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur, Munich, 1918, p. 468Google Scholar, printing Zurich, Staatsarchiv, Urkunde Rahn no. 23, inventory of the property of Heinrich von Mehlishofen, 25 June 1361).

63 M. Bent, ‘Square’. Squares on ‘Or ma veult’ and Binchois’ ‘Votre tres doux’ are discussed in Bent, M., ‘The Songs of Dufay: Some Questions of Form and Authenticity’, Early Music, 8 (1980), p. 459CrossRefGoogle Scholar and n. 13. Lansdowne MS 462 contains what are very likely squares on ‘Asperges me’ and ‘Stella celi extirpavit’; this last survives also in London, British Library, Royal MS 7 a.VI, fol. 127v, and Oxford, Lincoln College, MS 64, fol. ir.

64 London, British Library, Add. MS 57950, fols. 84v, 99r (nos. 101, 121; see Bent, M. and Hughes, A., eds., The Old Hall Manuscript, 3 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 46, Rome, 19691973, i, pp. 327–8. 367–8)Google Scholar preserve the squares numbered 2 and 3 in Baillie (‘Squares’, p. 182).

65 The square attributed to ‘Lyonel’ in Lansdowne MS 462 survives in a setting incorporating a form of the plainsong Kyrie Conditor. Other short Kyrie settings have emerged from Oxford, Lincoln College, MS Latin 89 and University College, MS 16; see Seaman, A.-M. and Rastall, R., ‘The Music of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lincoln College Latin 89’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, 13 (1976), pp. 95101CrossRefGoogle Scholar (with ‘Postscript’ ibid., 14 (1978), 139–40); Wathey, A., ‘Newly Discovered Fifteenth-century English Polyphony at Oxford’, Music and Letters, 64 (1983), pp. 5866CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Attributions survive in Lansdowne MS 462 and Vatican MS Regin. lat. 1146. For descriptions of these sources see von Fischer, K. and Lütolf, M., eds., Handschriften mit mehrstimmiger Musik des 14., 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales B/iv/3–4 (Munich and Duisberg, 1972), pp. 607–12, 1029Google Scholar.

67 For a checklist of monophonically copied faburdens, excluding Magnificat faburdens, see Trowell, B., ‘Faburden–New Sources, New Evidence: A Preliminary Survey’, Modern Musical Scholarship, ed. Olleson, E. (Stocksfield, 1980), pp. 6078Google Scholar. To this list can be added London, British Library, printed book c.35.f. 10, Processionale ad Usum Sarum (Antwerp, 1528) (Pollard, A. W. and Redgrave, G. D., A Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 1475–1640, 2nd edn, 2 vols. (London, 1976–)Google Scholar [STC], no. 16237), fols. clxiiijv–[clxv]r, which contains the ‘Salve festa dies’ square in London, British Library, Harley MS 2942, fol. 121r; London, British Library, printed book c.35.g. 12, Hymnorum cum notis opusculum vsui insignis ecclesie Sarum subserviens (Antwerp, 1532) (STC no. 16132), fols. cxxvr-v, clr, sig. CC[v]r-v; St John's College, Oxford, Processionale ad Usum … Sarum (London, 1502) (STC no. 16232.8), fols. 173v–174r (for facsimile see Rastall, R. and Hewitt, L., eds., Richard Pynson: Processionale ad Usum Sarum, 1502, Musical Sources 16, Clarabricken, 1980)Google Scholar; Washington, Folger Shakespeare Library, Processionale ad Usum … Sarum (Antwerp, 1528) (STC no. 16237), rear flyleaf, verso.

68 See Baillie, ‘Squares’, p. 180, citing Durham, Dean and Chapter Muniments, Reg. V, fol. 34r.

69 I owe my knowledge of this source and its contents to Margaret Bent.

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