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Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 August 2014

Mary Channen Caldwell*
Wichita State University


Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS français 146 (fr. 146), a manuscript well known for its inclusion of the Roman de Fauvel, also provides an important, albeit understudied, contribution to the history surrounding the allegorical ‘flower of the lily’, or fleur-de-lis – a floral symbol central to fourteenth-century theology and French royal heraldry. In medieval France, the fleur-de-lis emerges through text and music as a symbol capable of invoking, and being invoked by, the Holy Trinity, the Virgin Mary and the Virtues, all in the interest of supporting the religious and monarchical well-being of France. This study argues that the persistent return to the fleur-de-lis throughout the dits, the Chronique metrique and most especially the music and text of Fauvel in fr. 146 offers a necessary link between sacred and heraldic symbology both within the manuscript as well as within the larger historical development of this allegorical flower.

Research Article
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

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1 A common alternative spelling is ‘fleur-de-lys’.

2 The emphasis in scholarship on the symbolic fleur-de-lis is overwhelmingly focused on the flower as a symbol of France. See, for example, Civel, N., La Fleur de France: Les Seigneurs d'Ile-de-France au XIIe siècle (Turnhout, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dennys, R., The Heraldic Imagination (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; Beaune, C., The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France, ed. Cheyette, F. L., trans. Huston, S. R. (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 201–25Google Scholar; Cahours d'Aspry, J.-B., Des fleurs de lis et des armes de France: Légendes, histoire et symbolisme (Biarritz, 1998)Google Scholar; and Prinet, M., ‘Les Variations du nombre de fleurs de lis dans les armes de France’, Bulletin Monumental, 75 (1911), pp. 469–88Google Scholar. The seminal work on the subject remains Hinkle, W. M., The Fleurs de Lis of the Kings of France, 1285–1488 (Carbondale, Ill., 1991)Google Scholar.

3 For a general introduction to medieval heraldry, in France in particular, see Brault, G. J., Early Blazon: Heraldic Terminology in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, with Special Reference to Arthurian Literature (Oxford, 1972), esp. pp. 209–13Google Scholar, which provides descriptions and bibliography of the medieval French fleur-de-lis. For a work that considers the theories of ancient origins, see Martin, S., Histoire mythique de la fleur-de-lys, 2nd edn (Paris, 2002)Google Scholar. See also Woodward, J., A Treatise on Heraldry, British and Foreign, with English and French Glossaries (Edinburgh and London, 1892)Google Scholar. Beaune has rightly suggested that there is no need to search for ancient antecedents for the fleur-de-lis, since it acquired its own real and imagined history throughout the Middle Ages; the fleur-de-lis can be understood, she argues, through medieval symbolism alone. See Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 202–4.

4 The motet is Si vere/Si vere/IN SECULUM, Mo, fols. 102v–104r: ‘Sit convallium lilium, sit tuum virtus studium. Sterquilinium munda sordidum gratie per aucilium.’ Translated in The Montpellier Codex, ed. H. Tischler, 4 vols., Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Madison, Wis., 1978–85), iv, p. 26.

5 Fr. 146 was produced in or around the royal chancery in Paris between 1314 and 1317. On the context of the manuscript's production see A. Wathey, ‘Gervès du Bus, the Roman de Fauvel, and the Politics of the Later Capetian Court’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 599–614, and ‘Fauvel, Roman de’, Grove Music Online, <http://www.oxfordmusiconline> (acc. 10 May 2010); Holford-Strevens, L., ‘Fauvel Goes to School’, in Clark, S. and Leach, E. E. (eds.), Citation and Authority in Medieval and Renaissance Musical Culture: Learning from the Learned (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 5966Google Scholar; and J. Dunbabin, ‘The Metrical Chronicle Traditionally Ascribed to Geffroy de Paris’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 233–46.

6 Inventories of the manuscript are provided in Roesner, E. H., Avril, F., and Regalado, N. F., Le Roman de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain: A Reproduction in Facsimile of the Complete Manuscript, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, fonds français 146 (New York, 1990)Google Scholar, and Bent and Wathey, ‘Introduction’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 1–24.

7 The 1994 conference and subsequently the collection of essays published in 1998 (Fauvel Studies) exemplify the interdisciplinary approaches to the manuscript.

8 Important early studies include the publication of the first facsimile and the textual editions of the roman, respectively: Roman de Fauvel: Reproduction photographique du manuscript français 146 de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris avec un index des interpolations lyriques, ed. Aubry, P. (Paris, 1907)Google Scholar, and Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais du Bus publié d'après tous les manuscrits connus, ed. Långfors, A. (Paris, 1914–19)Google Scholar. Among more recent studies are Regalado, N. F., ‘Fortune's Two Crowns: Images of Kingship in the Paris, BnF Ms. Fr. 146 Roman de Fauvel’, in Smith, Kathryn and Krinsky, Carol H. (eds.), Studies in Manuscript Illumination: A Tribute to Lucy Freeman Sandler (London, 2007), pp. 125–40Google Scholar; Roesner, E., ‘Labouring in the Midst of Wolves: Reading a Group of Fauvel Motets’, Early Music History, 22 (2003), pp. 169245CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dillon, E., Medieval Music-Making and the Roman de Fauvel, New Perspectives in Music History and Criticism, 9 (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar.

9 The lover's complaint and the Lescurel chansons are beyond of the scope of the present study.

10 Rankin, S., ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 47(1994), pp. 203–43, at 235CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Robertson, A. W., ‘Which Vitry? The Witness of the Trinity Motet from the Roman de Fauvel’, in Pesce, D. (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York and Oxford, 1997), pp. 5281, at 56Google Scholar.

11 A number of scholars have considered various theological features of fr. 146. See, for example, Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’; Bolduc, M., The Medieval Poetics of Contraries (Gainesville, Fla., 2006), pp. 160–6Google Scholar; Le Premier et le Secont Livre de Fauvel in the Version Preserved in B.N. f. fr. 146, ed. Helmer, P. (Ottawa: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1997), pp. xiixxGoogle Scholar; and Robertson, ‘Local Chant Readings and the Roman de Fauvel’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 495–524.

12 Roesner, Roman de Fauvel, p. 4. According to Roesner et al., ‘there is good reason to believe that the roman and the other literary texts in this manuscript were intended to be regarded as a coherent unit.… Conclusions drawn from the collection as a whole will shed light on the milieu in which the manuscript originated, the purposes for which it was created, and the outlook of those who inspired its production.’

13 Song of Songs 2:1–2, 16. ‘Ego flos campi, et lilium convallium. Sicut lilium inter spinas, sic amica mea inter filias … Dilectus meus mihi, et ego illi, qui pascitur inter lilia.’ For this and all subsequent biblical passages, the Latin is taken from the Vulgate, and the English from the Douay–Reims translation. On the biblical tradition of the lily, see also the summary in Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 204–5.

14 Song of Sol. 5:13: ‘Labia eius lilia, distillantia murram primam’ (‘His lips are as lilies dropping choice myrrh’); and Ecclus. 39:19: ‘Florete flores quasi lilium: et date odorem, et frondete in gratiam: et collaudate canticum, et benedicite Dominum in operibus suis.’

15 Luke 12:27: ‘Considerate lilia quomodo crescunt: non laborant, neque nent: dico autem vobis, nec Salomon in omni gloria sua vestiebatur sicut unum ex istis’; and Matt. 6:28–9: ‘Et de vestimento quid solliciti estis? Considerate lilia agri quomodo crescunt: non laborant, neque nent. Dico autem vobis, quoniam nec Salomon in omni gloria sua coopertus est sicut unum ex istis.’

16 See, for example, Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones, ii, ed. J. Leclercq and H. Rochais, S. Bernardi Opera, 5 (Rome, 1958), sermon 48, pp. 67–73.

17 Hindman, S. and Spiegel, G. M., ‘The Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces to Guillaume de Nangis's Chronique abrégée: Political Iconography in Late Fifteenth-Century France’, Viator, 12 (1981), pp. 381407CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 394: ‘The most obvious meaning associated with the fleur-de-lis was its Marian symbolism, for the lily had long been an independent symbol for the Virgin. The prominence of the lily in the Song of Songs had led commentators such as Bernard of Clairvaux to assign it as an attribute to the allegorical bride of Solomon, the Virgin.’ However, Bernard also associated the lily of the Song of Songs with the Bridegroom (Christ) (albeit without the thorns) as well as the Bride (Mary); see Bernard, Sermones, ii, sermon 71, pp. 214–24.

18 Dennys, Heraldic Imagination, p. 103; Civel, La Fleur de France, p. 270; Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 197, 205; and Cahours d'Aspry, Des fleurs de lis, pp. 132–5.

19 F, fol. 241r: ‘O lillium convallium flos virginum, stirps regia, spes omnium fidelium, lux luminum, O filia’; and F, fol. 401v, ‘Lillium convallium / florens rosa, / fragrans sicut lilium, / speciosa / virgo promens filium.’ The latter is edited and translated in Baltzer, R., ‘Why Marian Motets on Non-Marian Tenors?’, in Bailey, T. and Santosuosso, A. (eds.), Music in Medieval Europe: Studies in Honour of Bryan Gillingham (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 112–28, at 116–17Google Scholar.

20 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 13. At one time attributed to Bernard of Clairvaux, the anonymous Latin text is edited in the Patrologia latina, ed. J. P. Migne, vol. 184 (Paris, 1854), and translated by Brownlow, W. R. (with an attribution to Bernard of Clairvaux) in ‘Vitis Mystica’, or, The True Vine: A Treatise on the Passion of our Lord (London, 1873)Google Scholar.

21 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 14.

22 Ibid., pp. 46–8; Rezak, B. B., ‘Suger and the Symbolism of Royal Power: The Seal of Louis VII’, in Gerson, P. L. (ed.), Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium (New York, 1986), pp. 95103Google Scholar; Pastoureau, M., Figures et couleurs: Études sur la symbolique et la sensibilité médiévales (Paris, 1986), pp. 107–11, and Plate IIGoogle Scholar; Oppenheimer, F., Frankish Themes and Problems (London, 1952), pp. 201–10Google Scholar; and Dennys, Heraldic Imagination, p. 110. For an overview of the number of fleurs-de-lis in French 13th-c. heraldry, see Prinet, ‘Variations’.

23 Images of Capetian kings with fleur-de-lis iconography are relatively commonplace; for an overview of the association between Capetians and the flower, see Cahours d'Aspry, Des Fleurs de lis, pp. 83–9. Rezak, ‘Suger’, also offers images of specific seals featuring the fleur-de-lis for Philippe I, Louis VII and Philippe II Augustus, in Figures 1a-b, 4a-b, and 5. Important for the iconographic history of the lily is the shield of Philippe II's son, Louis VIII, which displays what was to become the traditional form of the royal lily, a semée, or field, of fleur-de-lis. See Dennys, Heraldic Imagination, p. 110.

24 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, p. 208.

25 Robertson, , Guillaume de Machaut and Reims: Context and Meaning in his Musical Works (Cambridge, 2002), p. 235Google Scholar. Attempts to emphasise the continuity of the French royal bloodline were, as Robertson points out, extremely important to the Capetians, as well as to the Valois, especially in maintaining the idea that the French monarchs were the reges christianissimi, most Christian kings.

26 Martin Kauffmann, ‘Satire, Pictorial Genre, and the Illustrations in BN fr. 146’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 285–306, at 293.

27 Hall, James, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art, 2nd edn (Boulder, Colo., 2008), p. 67Google Scholar; Pastoureau, Figures et couleurs, p. 108; and Oppenheimer, Frankish Themes, pp. 208–9.

28 On the history of Louis IX as king, and later as saint, see Gaposchkin, M. C., The Making of Saint Louis: Kingship, Sanctity, and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, 2008)Google Scholar, passim.

29 Ibid., p. 2.

30 Martin, Histoire mythique, p. 6, and Woodward, Treatise on Heraldry, p. 344. On other proposed etymologies, see Cahours d'Aspry, Des fleurs de lis, pp. 19–25.

31 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 20–1.

32 The manuscript has a French provenance, from the diocese of Rouen. This image is generously made available under the public domain mark by the British Library. On royal imagery and the fleur-de-lis, see Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 224–5.

33 Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, pp. 233–4. St Louis was also associated with the biblical figures of David and Solomon, Old Testament role models for the French monarchy.

34 Hindman and Spiegel cite the year 1350 and the writing of the Latin poem at Joyenval as the final moment in the development of the fleur-de-lis as a monarchical and religious symbol. See Hindman and Spiegel, ‘Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces’, p. 391. On the specific Trinitarian meaning of the fleur-de-lis, see Cahours d'Aspry, Des fleurs de lis, pp. 91–100, and Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 13–21.

35 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis; Lombard-Jourdan, A., Fleur-de-lis et oriflamme: Signes célestes du royaume de France (Paris, 1991)Google Scholar; Hindman and Spiegel, ‘Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces’; Civel, La Fleur de France; and Gaposchkin, Making of Saint Louis.

36 The Venerable Bede, Bernard of Clairvaux and Thomas the Cistercian are all cited by Robertson as theologians who have associated the lily with numerical symbolism. See Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 242.

37 In Nangis's Chronique latine (c. 1318), he appears to identify a Parisian college as ‘flos lilii’: ‘Circa ista tempora de Flore lilii Parisius studii.’ As the editor Hercule Géraud observes, it is more likely to be a ‘poetic epithet’ applied to the University of Paris, referencing one of the three elements of the fleur-de-lis from Nangis's Life of Saint Louis, science, or learning. See de Nangis, Guillaume, Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis de 1113 à 1300, avec les continuations de cette chronique de 1300 à 1368, 2 vols. (Paris, 1843), pp. 1415Google Scholar.

38 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 154. In addition to his translation, Hinkle also includes the Latin text as edited in the Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, 20, pp. 318–21: ‘Si enim tam pretiosissimus thesaurus sapientiae salutaris, quod olim de Graecia sequendo Dionysium Areopagitam Parisius ad partes Gallicanas devenerat, cum fides et militiae titulo, de regno Franciae tolleretur, maneret utique liliatum signum regis Franciae, quod trini floris folio depictum est, in una parte sui mirabiliter deformatum. Nam ex quo Deus et Dominus noster Jesus Christus voluit tribus praedictis gratiis, scilicet fide, sapientia et militia, specialius caetera regna, regnum Franciae sua gratia illustrare, consueverunt regis in suo armis et vexillis florem lilii depictum cum tribus foliis comportare. Quasi dicerent toti mundo: fides, sapientia et militiae titulum abundantius quam regnis ceteris sunt regno nostro, Dei provisione et gratia servientes. Duplex enim par flos lilii sapientiam et militiam significat, quae duo sequentes de Graecia in Galliam Dionysium Areopagitam cum fide, quam ibidem Dei gratia seminavit, tertium florem lilii facientem custodiunt et defendunt. Nam fides gubernatur et regitur sapientia, ac demum militia defensatur. Quamdiu enim praedicta tria fuerint in regno Franciae pariter et ordinate sibi invicem cohaerentia, stabit regnum. Si autem de eodem separata fuerint, vel avulsa, omne illud in seipsum desolabitur atque cadet.’

39 See Robertson, , The Service-Books of the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis: Images of Ritual and Music in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1991), esp. pp. 3842, 234–5 and 77–84Google Scholar. The history of Dionysius the Areopagite by the 9th-c. Abbot of St-Denis, Hilduin, propagated the conflation of the two figures; the Latin text is edited in Patrologia latina, 106 (Paris, 1851).

40 ‘Prefatorum autem trium, fidei videlicet et sapientie et militie grata connexio videtur esse triplex, ille funiculus qui iuxta Salomonem difficile rumpitur. Quandiu videlicet tria hec adinvicem fuerint pacis et amoris federe sociata. Quod si quando separata fuerint aut divisa, dissolutionis malum imminere poterit ac timeri. Trina nichilominus prefatorum trium, fidei videlicet sophos et milicie, prerogativa dignitas per beati Aeropagitis meritis, pre ceteris mundi regnis Francorum regno concessa triplicis folii lilio, quod in signo suo defert Rex Francorum christianissimus non incongrue designatur.’ The passage is followed by a short interpolated poem that further emphasises the lily as the sign of the king of France, the signum regis Francie: ‘Flos duplex Achaie, sophis et milicie, / Sequens Dionysius, servit regno Francie. / Fides summa specie florem facit tertium. / Trini floris folium effigiat lillium, / Signum regis Francie’ (‘The two petals of the flower of Achaia, learning and chivalry, following Dionysius, watch over the kingdom of France. The third petal, which is taller in appearance and which represents faith, completes the flower. The triple petals of the flower form the lily, the sign of the King of France’). Edited and translated by Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 156–7. For a slightly different edition from BnF lat. 15966, fol. 7v see Hindman and Spiegel, ‘Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces’, p. 388, n. 26.

41 Strayer, J. R., ‘France: The Holy Land, the Chosen People, and the Most Christian King’, in Rabb, T. K. and Seigel, J. E. (eds.), Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Memory of E. H. Harbison (Princeton, 1969), pp. 316, at 9Google Scholar; Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, pp. 232–7; and Gaposchkin, Making of Saint Louis, p. 237.

42 Strayer, ‘France’, pp. 9–10, and Hindman and Spiegel, ‘Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces’, p. 390.

43 Strayer, ‘France’, p. 10.

44 Ibid., pp. 9, 16, and Hindman and Spiegel, ‘Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces’, p. 390.

45 Rezak, ‘Suger’, p. 100.

46 On Trinitarianism and the fleur-de-lis in the later 14th- and15th-c. French court, see Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, pp. 246–8, and Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 32 onwards.

47 Gaposchkin, Making of Saint Louis, p. 231.

48 Ibid., p. 232.

49 Gaposchkin, Making of Saint Louis, pp. 233–6. Bertrand is not the first to establish a link between the fleur-de-lis and virtues in general; by the 10th c., as Beaune observes, the lily already symbolised a number of virtues, including faith, justice and purity. See Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, p. 205.

50 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 17–20.

51 French text edited in Piaget, A., ‘Le Chapel des trois fleurs de lis par Philippe de Vitry’, Romania, 27 (1898), pp. 5592, at 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Translation from Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 243. Discussed also in Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 18–19.

52 Original text edited in Piaget, ‘Chapel’, p. 90. Translated by Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 244.

53 Translation and French text are found in Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, pp. 245 and 92. For further discussion of the poem, see Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 28–31.

54 Since the poem was written at the Abbey of Joyenval, which was established by Clovis himself and which reputedly owned Clovis's shield, the king was an appropriate example of kingship for the Abbey. See Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 198, 215–16.

55 Latin text edited in Bossuat, R., ‘Poème latin sur l'origine des fleurs de lis’, Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 101 (1940), pp. 80101, at 96CrossRefGoogle Scholar. English translation based on Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 245. Cited and discussed in Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 23–8.

56 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 214–16, 223. On the Bedford Hours, see Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 68–73.

57 Certainly by 1377 there is no question that the lily was firmly rooted as both the signum regni Francie and a symbol of the Trinity; a charter for the foundation of the Celestines de Limay by Charles V states succinctly: ‘Lilia quidem, signum regni Francie in quo florent flores quasi lilium, ymo flores lilii non tantum duo, sed tres, ut in se tipum gererent Trinitas.’ Cited in Prinet, ‘Variations’, pp. 483–4. The charter is discussed in more detail in Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 42.

58 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 156.

59 On multiple authors and/or compilers, see Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, pp. 205–6; Wathey, ‘Fauvel, Roman de’; and Sanders, E., ‘The Early Motets of Philippe de Vitry’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), pp. 2445, at 34–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Chaillou de Pesstain's authorship, see Bolduc, Medieval Poetics, pp. 131–66.

60 The Latin dits (marked with *) are edited, translated and discussed by Holford-Strevens, ‘Latin Dits’. The French dits are edited and translated in their entirety by W. Storer and C. Rochedieu in Six Historical Poems of Geffroi de Paris, Written in 13141318, University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures, 16 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1950). The dits are also discussed and partly edited in Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 14–16 and 159–61. Spellings and order of dits are from the index of fr. 146. On the index, see Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 162–72.

61 Six Historical Poems, ed. Storer and Rochedieu, p. 13: ‘Saint Loÿs aussi, qui fu Rois, / Il ne fist contemps, ne desrois / Sainte Eglise, mes li maintint. / Pour ce, empès son réaume tint; / Et si n'ot de nulle part guerre; / Et du sien voust .ii. foiz requerre / Nostre Seigneur outre la mer. / Saint Loÿs en lui n'ot amer. / De lui, Roys, es-tu estraiz; / Sages es, s'à lui te retraiz; / Et de lui portes-tu le non’ (‘Saint Louis also, who was King, he did not cause quarrel, nor disorder for Holy Church, but maintained her. Wherefore, in peace he held his realm; and so, he had not war from any side; and with his people he wished twice to seek out our Lord, beyond the sea. Saint Louis had not bitterness in him. From him, King, thou art descended; wise art thou, if thou resemblest him; and from him thou bearest thy name’).

62 Ibid., p. 23.

63 Wathey, ‘Politics’, pp. 599–600. Wathey argues that the manuscript as a whole appears to be a kind of admonition to new rulers and a warning against bad council, specifically that provided by the unpopular Enguerran de Marigny.

64 This is especially likely in the light of Vitry's involvement with fr. 146. On Vitry and fr. 146, see Robertson, ‘Which Vitry?’; A. Wathey, ‘Auctoritas and the Motets of Philippe de Vitry’, in Clark and Leach (eds.), Citation and Authority, pp. 67–78; Sanders, ‘Early Motets’; and Schrade, L., ‘Philippe de Vitry: Some New Discoveries’, Musical Quarterly, 42 (1956), pp. 330–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 204–10.

66 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 14–15.

67 Hinkle points out that Geoffroy also compares the Trinitarian aspect of the three lilies to the triangular shape of the shield itself, on which the flowers appear. Ibid., p. 15.

68 Holford-Strevens, ‘Latin Dits’, p. 250. For Holford-Strevens, the fleur-de-lis and the thorns create a contrasting frame for the verses dealing with the hated taxes imposed by Philip IV.

69 Ibid., pp. 258–9.

70 Hinkle discusses the similarities of Geoffroy's poem to the anonymous Vitis mystica. Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, pp. 14–15.

71 Six Historical Poems, ed. Storer and Rochedieu, pp. 77–8. Emphasis mine.

72 Among others, see Dennys, Heraldic Imagination, p. 111; Woodward, Treatise on Heraldry, p. 347; and Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, p. 219.

73 Six Historical Poems, ed. Storer and Rochedieu, p. 77.

74 The cardinal and theological virtues, which generally oppose Christian vices, should not be confused with the seven virtues, which oppose the seven deadly sins. This latter list of seven virtues – charity, chastity, diligence, humility, kindness, patience and temperance – was first developed in Prudentius's 5th-c. Psychomachia. In contrast, the seven theological and cardinal virtues are usually enumerated as follows: the former are faith, charity and hope, and the latter are prudence, temperance, courage and justice. On the Virtues and Vices as they appear in Fauvel, see Regalado, N. F., ‘Allegories of Power: The Tournament of Vices and Virtues in the Roman de Fauvel (BN MS Fr. 146)’, Gesta, 32 (1993), pp. 135–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 The chronicle is often attributed to Geoffroy of Paris; see Dunbabin, ‘Metrical Chronicle’, pp. 233–4. Dunbabin argues persuasively against the identification of the author of the chronicle as Geoffroy due to dissimilarities in style and differences in political standpoints between the chronicle and the dits. The chronicle is edited in Diverrès, A., La Chronique métrique attributée a Geffroy de Paris (Strasbourg, 1956)Google Scholar. Studies of the chronicle include Dunbabin, ‘Metrical Chronicle’, and N. F. Regalado, ‘The Chronique metrique and the Moral Design of BN fr. 146: Feasts of Good and Evil’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 467–94.

76 Regalado, ‘Chronique metrique’, p. 475.

77 Dunbabin, ‘Metrical Chronicle’, pp. 238, 246. Dunbabin, although seeing the chronicle as a historical key to Fauvel, argues that it was not originally intended for inclusion in fr. 146, but rather was an independent work, a kind of 14th-c. ‘newssheet’.

78 Ibid., p. 238.

79 Diverrès, Chronique métrique, p. 109.

80 E. A. R. Brown, ‘Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis: Louis X, Philip V, and the Livres de Fauvel’, in Fauvel Studies, p. 65. ‘Au jor du Jugement Estroit / Le regne du ciel li otroit / La glorïeuse Trinité / Et nous tiengne en sa poësté / Et nous doint après li tel roy / Qui ne face a sa gent desroy!’ Diverrès, Chronique métrique, p. 236.

81 Diverrès, Chronique métrique, pp. 130–1. ‘Ces flors de liz les connoiz tu? / Hé! Clerc, maugré en aies tu, / Ceste cité n'est pas a toy / – Tu n'i as riens – ele est au roy. / Ne ne te muef, ne ne remue.’ / Et cil qui d'angoisse tressue / Les ex rooille et puis rechingne / Quant a veü le royal signe; / Esfreez fu et esbahis, / Et bien quida que le païs / Se fust trestout au roy donné. / De grant doulor n'a mot sonné. / Bien vousist estre seveliz / Quant leans vit la flor de liz. / Et estre mise sus la tour / Et ouï crïer tout entour : / “Monjoie! Roys, icest apostre / Est pris, et le païs est vostre. / De cest pape et de cest ostel / Est vostre roy le temporel.”’

82 Interestingly, the fleur-de-lis does make appearances in other seemingly unusual contexts in 14th-c. France; a royal inquest from 1325, for example, references the lily as a sign of royal guardianship. Cited in C. Du Cange, ‘Lilium’, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, <> (acc. 4 May 2010).

83 Dunbabin, ‘Metrical Chronicle’, p. 240.

84 Hinkle, Fleurs de Lis, p. 154.

85 Similarly, and as the following section will demonstrate, poetic texts, especially those set to music, do not often appear in considerations of the allegorical or heraldic lily. Concomitant with the flourishing writings on the lily in gestae, chronicles and elsewhere, lilies surface in motet, conductus and sequence repertories of the 13th and 14th cc.

86 Fr. 146, fol. 41v and Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. and trans. Armand Strubel (Paris, 2012), pp. 654–6, lines 5737–60. I am grateful to Emmanuelle Bonnafoux for her translations of all following French texts. Any emphasis is mine.

Accompanying this lament on the despoiling of the Garden of France are four condemnatory Latin chants, which frame the author's description of the despoiled garden with ominous statements concerning Fauvel's fate. On these four chants, see S. Rankin, ‘The “Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez” in BN fr. 146: A Catalogue Raisonné’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 421–66, at 460–2. The motet Tribum que/Quoniam secta/Merito is introduced here, directly following the conclusion of the passage cited above: ‘Et pour ce que je m'en courrouce, / Ci met ce motet qui qu'en grouce’ (‘And because it makes me angry, I put here this motet, whoever wishes to grumble about it’). Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. and trans. Strubel, p. 656, lines 5761–2. Through biblical and classical citations, Tribum que/Quoniam secta/Merito alludes to the events affecting the royal house in the 1310s and to the unpopular counsellor Enguerran de Marigny. See M. Bent, ‘Polyphony of Texts and Music in the Fourteenth-Century Motet: Tribum que non abhorruit/Quoniam secta latronum/Merito hec patimur and its “Quotations”’, in Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet, pp. 82–103, at 84–9, and Holford-Strevens, ‘Fauvel’, pp. 62–3.

87 Prior to these allegorical associations, it is the Church itself that represented the botanical paradise in which the flowers, or virtues, flourished. In his discussion of church symbolism, Durand writes: ‘Ter ergo altare inungitur, bis oleo, tertio crismate, quoniam Ecclesia fide, spe et caritate, que maior est ceteris, insignitur, et dum crisma infunditur cantatur: “Ecce odor filii mei sicut odor agri pleni.” Hic ager est Ecclesia que floribus uernat, uirtutibus splendet, operibus fragrat, ubi sunt rose martyrum, lilia uirginum, uiole confessorum et uiror incipientium’ (‘The altar therefore is anointed three times; twice with oil, and once with chrism; because the Church is marked by Faith, Hope, and Charity, which last is greater than the others. And while the chrism is used they chant, “See the smell of my son is as the smell of a field”. The field is the church, which is verdant with flowers, which shineth in virtues, which is fragrant with good works; and wherein be the roses of martyrs, the lilies of virgins, the violets of confessors, and the verdure of beginners in the faith’). English translation in Durand, Guillaume, The Rationale divinorum officiorum: The Foundational Symbolism of the Early Church, its Structure, Decoration, Sacraments and Vestments, Books I, III and IV, trans. Passmore, T. H. (Louisville, Ky., 2007), p. 104Google Scholar. Latin text edited in Guillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum, ed. A. Davril and T. J. Thibodeau, Corpus Christianorum, 140 (Turnhout, 1995–2000), vol. 1, bk. 1, ch. 7, para. 34.

88 On the Somme le roi and the Garden of Virtues tradition, see Kosmer, E., ‘Gardens of Virtue in the Middle Ages’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 41 (1978), pp. 302–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 For the biblical source of the theological virtues, see 1 Corinthians 13:13: ‘Nunc autem manet fides, spes, caritas, tria haec, maior autem his est caritas’ (‘And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is charity’). On the two kinds of virtues in the context of a Trinitarian work, see Dodaro, Robert, ‘Political and Theological Virtues in Augustine, “De Trinitate”’, Medioevo. Rivista di Storia della Filosofia Medievale, 31 (2006), pp. 3146Google Scholar.

90 On the fleur-de-lis and various virtues, see Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 218–20. Poems from the 13th c. deal explicitly with the theological virtues, even utilising botanical metaphors similar to those used with the fleur-de-lis; see, for example, the motet Mens fidem seminat/IN ODOREM, for St Andrew, in which the virtues are provided with a horticultural allegory: ‘Mens fidem seminat. / Fides spem germinat. / Caritas exterminat / metum, et eliminat, / mentem et illuminat. / Germen fit de semine. / Florem germen propinat. / Fructum flos propaginat. / Virtus fit de ordine’ (‘The mind sows faith. Faith sprouts hope. Charity expels fear, turns it out of doors, and enlightens the mind. A bud is formed from the seed. This bud produces a flower. The flower generates a fruit. This is how one cultivates virtue’). For a translation and edition of the music, see Motets and Prosulas: Philip the Chancellor, ed. Payne, T. B., Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Middleton, Wis., 2011), pp. 120–4Google Scholar.

91 On the correspondence between vices, virtues and the Fauvel narrative, see, for example, Regalado, ‘Allegories’, p. 144, who links the pairings of the vices and virtues in the tournament scene to the broader cultural context of the manuscript and to the specific vices represented by the satirical figure of Fauvel.

92 Fr. 146, fol. 42v and Strubel, Le Roman de Fauvel, pp. 660–2, lines 5787–818. A poem from the 12th c. utilises the symbol of the lily in a way that foreshadows its later treatment as ‘tottering’ in Fauvel, Oderic Vitalis's Mundi forma veterascit: ‘Lapides sunt in plateis sparsi; sanctuarii auri color est mutatus; marcuit flos lilii, et jam viri curiales facti sunt feminei’ (‘The stones are scattered in the pathways of the sanctuary, the colour of gold is changed; the flower of the lily has withered, and now male courtiers have become feminine’). See Méril, E. Du, Poésies populaires latines du moyen âge (Paris, 1847), p. 103Google Scholar. Du Méril cites a manuscript source for the poem: Alençon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 1, fol. 30v.

93 Fr. 146, fol. 44v and Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. and trans. Strubel, p. 678, lines 5963–76. Interrupting these lines is the musical expression of the current situation in France, the motet Garrit Gallus/In nova fert/Neuma. On this and related motets, see Bent, ‘Polyphony of Texts’, pp. 95–100. The triplum of the motet allegorically describes and decries the current political situation: the ‘sad chattering of roosters [Gaul]’ has resulted from the ‘blindness of the lion [the king]’ and the ‘deceit of the treacherous fox [Fauvel]’.

94 Edited and translated by Payne in Motets and Prosulas, pp. 101–4. Transmitted in F, fols. 386v–387r, among other sources (see Payne for complete list).

95 With this combination of texts, the motet is only found in F, fols. 411v–413r. For full transcription, edition and translation, see ibid., pp. 161–7.

96 Baltzer notes that the motet ‘as a whole seems to contrast good prelates – those in the trenches, so to speak – with their superiors, who are full of greed and hypocrisy’. See R. Baltzer, ‘The Polyphonic Progeny of an Et gaudebit: Assessing Family Relations in the Thirteenth-Century Motet’, in Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet, pp. 17–27, at 21.

97 See Payne, ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony: Philip the Chancellor's Contribution to the Music of the Notre Dame School’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1991), p. 357. For a fuller discussion of the motet Ypocrite/Velut/ET GAUDEBIT, see pp. 355–7 and 919–31.

98 Edited and translated by Payne in Motets and Prosulas, pp. 171–7. Concerning this motet, see also id., ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony’, pp. 335–9, 838–47 and 1016–27.

99 BnF lat. 15131, fol. 187v. Translation slightly adapted from Notre-Dame and Related Conductus: Opera Omnia, ed. G. A. Anderson (Henryville, 1979), vol. 8, p. lxxi. ‘Urbis viridaria … Grata reddant lilia / Et rosas cum viola.… Ex illa seminia … Sequestrentur omnia / Que non sunt benevola.… Quibus patent ostia …Vitiorum conscia / Mundet virtutum schola.’ The refrain, indicated by ellipses in the Latin given here, is: ‘Pange cum letitia / Iherusalem incola’ (‘Sing with joy, oh you inhabitants of Jerusalem’).

100 Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 16 and 258; Wathey, ‘Politics’, p. 611; Boulton, M., The Song in the Story: Lyric Insertions in French Narrative Fiction, 1200–1400 (Philadelphia, 1993), p. 148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Regalado, ‘Allegories’, p. 144. Boulton and Regalado both point to the similarities between the Tournament of the Vices and the Virtues and Henri de Méry's Torneiment Anticrist.

101 Fr. 146, fol. 38v. The Tournament of the Virtues ties together many of the heraldic strands in fr. 146, including the descriptions of the arms of the virtues. See also Malcolm Vale, ‘The World of the Courts: Content and Context of the Fauvel Manuscript’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 591–8, at 595.

102 For the use of the term ‘fauvelised’, see Wathey, ‘Fauvel, Roman de’.

103 Edited and translated in full by Anderson in Notre-Dame, vol. 5, pp. xviii–xix.

104 The motets on fol. 1r are examined as a group by Roesner, ‘Labouring’. Dillon makes a similar argument regarding the amplification of the themes of vices within a slightly different group of conductus, Floret fex favellea, Vanitas vanitatum, Clavus pungens and In precio precium, all from the Notre-Dame repertory. See Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 241–6.

105 L. Welker, ‘Polyphonic Reworkings of Notre-Dame Conductus in BN fr. 146: Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt’, in Fauvel Studies, pp. 615–36, at 616–17. Barbara Haggh and Michel Huglo suggest the close relationship of the manuscript with the monarchy, due in part to the placement of a fleur-de-lis in the initial ‘V’ of ‘Viderunt’ on fol. 1r of F; see Haggh, B. and Huglo, M., ‘Magnus liber: Maius munus. Origine et destinée du manuscrit F’, Revue de Musicologie, 90 (2004), pp. 193230, at 199–201, 225Google Scholar.

106 The original passage for that cited above from Floret fex favellea is as follows in Redit etas aurea: ‘Omnis suo principi / Plebs congratulatur, / Nec est locus sceleri, / Scelus datur funeri, / Scandalum fugantur’ (‘All the people their own prince greet with praises strong, and now there is no room for crime, for crime has been given a burial and all offences are banished’). Edited and translated in full by Anderson in Notre-Dame, vol. 4, p. ix. The corresponding passage from O varium fortune in F is quite a bit shorter; rather than the six poetic lines in Fauvel, the original only has two: ‘De rhetore / Consulem eligens’ (‘And from a rhetorician, choosing a consul’). Edited and translated by Anderson in Notre-Dame, vol. 5, p. xx. The conductus in F continues with a number of strophes not included in Fauvel. On conductus reworkings in Fauvel more generally, see Welker, ‘Polyphonic Reworkings’.

107 The Latin conductus (music and text) is transmitted also in LoB, fol. 38v and BnF fr. 2193, fol. 17r (in the former it is addressed to prelates, ‘De prelatis’). The Latin text alone is transmitted in three other sources: Prague, Statni Knihovna, Archiv Pražského hradu N VIII, fol. 38v; BnF fr. 1251, fol. 105r; and Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 1037, fol. 11r. These latter three sources are listed in ‘Cantum pulcriorem invenire: Conductus Database’, ed. Gregorio Bevilacqua and Mark Everist, at <> (acc. 7 Oct. 2013).

108 There are two different vernacular texts circulating with the same music, one French (Flours ne glais) and one Provençal (Gent menais del cais). See Monophonic Songs, ed. Rosenberg and Tischler, p. 76.

109 Edited and translated in full in Monophonic Songs, ed. Rosenberg, pp. 76–86, and Notre-Dame, ed. Anderson, vi, pp. lxxxiv–lxxxvii and 88–91, notes and concordances on pp. 147–8. Translation adapted from Rosenberg.

110 Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 243.

111 As Helmer observes, ‘[t]he ultimate salvation [is] through a direct appeal to the persons of the Trinity’. Livre de Fauvel, ed. Helmer, pp. xvi–xix, xiii.

112 Filie Jherusalem nolite and Esto nobis domine are Office Responsories; Facta est cum angelo is an Office Antiphon; See Rankin, ‘The “Alleluyes, antenes”’, pp. 442–3, 449–50 and 446–7.

113 This is a reference not to the Lesser Doxology, but rather the Great Doxology of the Ordinary of the Mass.

114 Another suggestion of a liturgical rite, this time accompanied by a telling illustration, is the ‘perverse’ baptism on fol. 42r, one folio prior to the ‘Trinity Page’. In contrast to the baptism of Clovis that we saw earlier in this study during which the French king is infused with the Holy Spirit, here the bathers, Fauvel's ‘Fauvellettes’, are infused with an ‘ordure’ which pours from the mouths of gargoyles. The theology of baptism, so closely related to the Holy Trinity due to the passage in Matt. 28:19 ‘Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost’, is polluted here by Fauvel's offspring. All is not lost, however, as following the ‘fauvellised baptism chant’, Hic fons, hic devius and the devotional motet Celi domina are interpolated. Merely one folio later, the ultimate triumph occurs with the Trinitarian finale of fol. 43r. See Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 256–7, and the detail of ‘Fountain of Youth’ in Figure 6.7.

115 Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, pp. 208, 230–4; Robertson, ‘Local Chant Readings’, p. 496; and Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 231–40, 250–6.

116 Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 234. ‘By putting chant and pseudo-chant pieces … into the mouths of the Virtues, the compiler gave them a special musical voice which is otherwise used at length only by Fortune and in dispersed pieces by the narrator … used to introduce specific themes, the chants are laden with theological and liturgical significance.’

117 Beaune suggests that the kings of France in particular ‘adopted the emblem of the Virgin in the second half of the twelfth century out of chivalric devotion and with a clear awareness of the parallels between their temporal role and the spiritual duties of the beatific mother’. See Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, pp. 207–8.

118 Ibid., p. 206.

119 For some explicit connections of the Virgin Mary to the Fleur-de-lis, see Robertson, Guillaume de Machaut, pp. 250–1.

120 ‘Tres douz lis de virginité! / Garde vertuz, car verité / Soustiennent, et tiengne en puissance / Le lis et le jardin de France.’ Fr. 146, fol. 44v and Strubel, Le Roman de Fauvel, p. 678, lines 5969–72.

121 Roesner, Roman de Fauvel, fol. 37v.

122 Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 233.

123 Edition and translation adapted from Monophonic Songs, ed. Rosenberg, pp. 145–6. Emphasis mine.

124 The imagery of the ‘templum sancti Spiritus’ is one that appears in Marian poetry – a 13th-c. manuscript from Tortosa contains a parallel sentiment that, moreover, is sung to the melody of Veni sancte spiritus: ‘Ave virgo regia, / Dei plena gratia, / Virginale lilium. / Templum sancti spiritus, / Obumbratum celitus / Portus post naufragium.’ AH 34, p. 113. A work from Parisian sources that similarly depicts the Virgin as intimately connected with the Trinity is the conductus-motet Serena virginum: ‘Tranquil light of virgins, full of splendor, sanctuary of the Trinity.’ F, fols. 235r–237v. Edited and translated in Motets and Prosulas, ed. Payne, pp. 146–55.

125 Regalado, , ‘Swineherds at Court: Kalila et Dimna, Le Roman de Fauvel, Machaut's Confort d'ami and Complainte, and Boccaccio's Decameron’, in Fresco, K. and Pfeffer, W. (eds.), ‘Chançon legiere a chanter’: Essays on Old French Literature in Honor of Samuel N. Rosenberg (Birmingham, Ala., 2007), p. 242Google Scholar.

126 Ibid., pp. 243–4.

127 French rondeau translated ibid., p. 236.

128 Ibid., p. 243. Regalado also asks an important question about the placement of the motet and its texts: ‘Does the substitution of the vernacular rondeau “Porchier” for “Et super”, a liturgical chant from Pentecost season, point to the danger of corruption of pollution of Pentecost?’ In the interpretation offered here, the motet would suggest that such dangers are present, but that the strength of the Virgin overrides – textually, timbrally and registrally – Fauvel's refrain. For a related interpretation of the motet, see T. Rose-Steel, ‘French Ars Nova Motets and their Manuscripts: Citational Play and Material Context’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Exeter, 2011), pp. 104–9.

129 Edited and translated in Holford-Strevens, ‘Latin Dits’, p. 259. Emphasis mine.

130 There is yet another dichotomy created through the pairing of these texts: the sweet-smelling lily from the Song of Songs 5:13 is contrasted with the repugnancy of the foul swineherd. Even the choice of a rondeau (a dance form) as Fauvel's music is apropos in the context of both its function as a tenor in the motet and as a stand-alone piece. A 14th-c. preaching handbook, the Fasciculus Morum, compares the swineherd to the devil himself, who lures his disciples in with a dance: ‘As the swineherd who, when he wants to gather his scattered swine, makes one of them squeal and then the others come quickly together, thus the devil, when he wants to round up those who belong to him, makes one of his daughters call out and, tripping behind a bell, that is a “tabour”, lead the dance, and, the others quickly come together’ (as cited in S. W. Maynard, ‘Dance in the Arts of the Middle Ages’ (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1992), p. 87). Conversely, the Marian texts lying above the dance tenor can be understood not only as a musical representation of the Virgin among the thorns, but also as an attempt to transform the secularity of Fauvel's rondeau into a sacred dance of the Virgin. The Virgin Mary was often associated with dance, in particular the rondeau. See Rokseth, Y., ‘Danses clericales du xiiie siècle’, in Melanges 1945 des Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de Strasbourg (Paris, 1947), pp. 106–7Google Scholar, and Rothenberg, D. J., ‘The Marian Symbolism of Spring, ca. 1200–ca. 1500: Two Case Studies’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 59 (2006), pp. 329–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

131 Fr. 146, fol. 42v, and Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. and trans. Strubel, p. 662, lines 5829–38 (translation adjusted).

132 Kauffmann, ‘Satire’.

133 Ibid., p. 287.

134 Livre de Fauvel, ed. Helmer, pp. xiii–xx. Helmer argues quite strongly not only for an interpretation of Fauvel as a highly Trinitarian and orthodox work, but also a redating of the manuscript as a result. His dating of 1334, the year he cites as the sanctioning of the Sunday after Pentecost as the Feast of the Trinity by Pope John XXII, is flawed, however. The Trinitarian features which he sees as being indicative of a later dating were present for at least a century or more before the production of fr. 146. Furthermore, the later dating goes contrary to the codicological, art-historical and historical features of the manuscript. See also Roesner, Roman de Fauvel, pp. 3–53.

135 Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’.

136 Brown, E. A. R. and Regalado, N. F., ‘Universitas et communitas: The Parade of the Parisians at the Pentecost Feast of 1313’, in Hüsken, W. and Ashley, K. (eds.), Moving Subjects: Processional Performance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Atlanta, Ga., 2001), pp. 118–21Google Scholar; eaed., La Grant Feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Hanawalt, B. A. and Reyerson, K. L. (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Minneapolis, 1994), pp. 5686Google Scholar; Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, p. 19; Bolduc, Medieval Poetics, pp. 156–60; Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, esp. p. 235; and Robertson, ‘Which Vitry?’, p. 62.

137 On this folio, see Bolduc, Medieval Poetics, pp. 149–60, and Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 84–9 and 94–108.

138 Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, p. 94: ‘[T]here is a snippet of the Pentecost chant Alleluia: Veni sancte spiritus, which associates the dove [in the illustration on the same folio] with the divine, prophetic qualities of that occasion.’ See also Brown, ‘Rex ioians’, p. 56.

139 The ‘short’ Fauvel has two books, the first comprising 1,226 lines, the second 2,054 lines, completed according the text itself in 1310 and 1314 respectively. The same division occurs in the interpolated Fauvel in fr. 146, albeit with interpolated music and images both books are extended, the second more so. See Wathey, ‘Fauvel, Roman de’, and Dillon, Medieval Music-Making, pp. 13–14, 87–8, and 110–11.

140 Notably, the two Alleluias are the only ones in the manuscript, and, furthermore, the only chants from the Mass as opposed to the Office Hours. See Robertson, ‘Local Chant Readings’, p. 500: ‘The fact that they are both alleluias, and the only alleluias in the manuscript, brings this temporal relationship into even sharper relief.’ Robertson has also shown that Veni Sancte Spiritus was not sung in Paris on Trinity Sunday.

141 For a discussion of this motet and the implications of the tenor for the identity of Vitry, see Robertson, ‘Which Vitry?’, pp. 52–81. Firmissime/Adesto/Alleluia benedictus es is also found in the Brussels rotulus manuscript, Bibliothèque Royale 19606, no. 4. See also Roesner, ‘Labouring’, pp. 234–37.

142 The motet has been thoroughly discussed with respect to its form and its tenor by Robertson, and the Trinitarian appearance of the folio itself has been commented upon by Helmer, Bolduc, and Robertson. See Robertson, ‘Which Vitry?’, pp. 52–81; Livre de Fauvel, ed. Helmer, pp. xvi–xix; Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 235; and Bolduc, Medieval Poetics, p. 164.

143 As Rankin points out, ‘[t]he tenor text … could hardly have existed outside of the Fauvel context, but it is placed here as if it had’. See Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 241.

144 Transcription follows The Roman de Fauvel: The Works of Philippe de Vitry: French Cycles of the Ordinarium missae, ed. L. Schrade, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, 1 (Monaco, 1956), p. 59. Schrade does not underlay the text of the tenor; however, the correspondence of the syllable count to the musical line suggests that the text may have been declaimed in the tenor. I have also chosen not to follow Schrade's rhythmic interpretation.

145 Robertson, ‘Which Vitry?’, p. 62. As Robertson has shown, the Alleluia is not of Parisian use; rather, the chant version used in the motet was probably known by Vitry from his hometown Vitry-en-Artois, near Arras.

146 Text and translation ibid., p. 54.

147 Ibid., p. 56.

148 Ibid., p. 74; Robertson, ‘Local Chant Readings’, p. 500; and Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 238. Neither Alleluia has Parisian origins.

149 Fr. 146, fol. 43r and Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. and trans. Strubel, p. 668, lines 5839–70.

150 Livre de Fauvel, ed. Helmer, p. xvi. On the Throne of Mercy and Trinitarian symbolism in music, see Elders, W., Symbolic Scores: Studies in the Music of the Renaissance (Leiden and New York, 1994), pp. 185204Google Scholar.

151 This image is generously made available under the public domain mark by the British Library. A detail from Trinity Sunday, this image is from a mid-14th-c. Psalter from the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. Rankin cites another similar miniature of the Throne of Mercy, probably by the same artist as Fauvel, in another Parisian missal for the Feast of the Holy Trinity: London, British Library, Harley 2891, fol. 183v. See Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, p. 235, n. 64.

152 On depictions of the Trinity in art, see Thiessen, G. E., ‘Images of the Trinity in Visual Art’, in Marmion, D. and Thiessen, G. E. (eds.), Trinity and Salvation: Theological, Spiritual, and Aesthetic Perspectives (Oxford, 2009), esp. pp. 128–32 on the GnadenstuhlGoogle Scholar. Although difficult to see, the dove in fr. 146 does appear above the crucified Jesus and below the chin of God the Father.

153 Rankin, ‘Divine Truth’, esp. pp. 212 and 235.

154 Wright, C., Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 254–5Google Scholar.

155 Pearce, J., ‘Liturgy and Image: The Advent Miniature in the Salisbury Breviary’, in Manion, M. M. and Muir, B. J. (eds.), Medieval Texts and Images: Studies of Manuscripts from the Middle Ages (Chur, 1991), p. 28Google Scholar.

156 Translation adapted from Notre-Dame, ed. Anderson, viii, p. xxxii. Emphasis mine.

157 Haggh and Huglo, ‘Magnus liber’, p. 223. ‘Le rondeau anonyme In rerum principio est le seul parmi les rondeaux de F à faire allusion à une dédicace. L'analyse du texte suggère que cette dédicace ne peut être que celle de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris, célébrée le 28 avril 1248, octave de Pâques, en présence d'un grand nombre de prélats. Les strophes 1 et 3 font allusion aux fleurs de lys … qui couvraient toute la surface de la Sainte-Chapelle.’

158 ‘La première aux .iii. fleurs de lys, signifie la foy de la Trinité en l'umilité de la vierge Marie, plantee, la quel est a la fleur de lys acomparee, de quoy dit la glose sur cette auctorité des Cantiques: “Sicut lilium inter spinas, etc.”; aussi, comme la fleur de lys naist entre les espines de la coronne precieuse Jhesucrist, qui est gardee par les roys de France en la Sainte Chapelle du Palais a Paris.’ Golein, J., Le Racional des divins offices de Guillaume Durand: Livre IV, la messe, les Prologues et le Traité du sacre. Liturgie, spiritualité et royauté: une exégèse allégorique, ed. Brucker, Charles and Demarolle, Pierre, i (Geneva, 2010), p. 706Google Scholar. The other banner is the oriflamme. On both the fleurs-de-lis and the oriflamme as symbols of the French monarchy, see Lombard-Jourdan, Fleur-de-lis.

159 As scholars have observed, the colours of Fauvel are not those of the royal court (azure and gold), nor is the fleur-de-lis depicted visually per se in the manuscript, leaving heraldic symbols to be expressed primarily through text, music and secondary or related imagery, such as canonical images of the Holy Trinity or the Virgin. Notably, the fleur-de-lis is present on the initial folio of the eminently French manuscript that supplies music and text to Fauvel, F. Haggh and Huglo, ‘Magnus liber’, pp. 199–201 and 225. The only potentially heraldic visual symbols in Fauvel are the omnipresent crowns; see Regalado, ‘Fortune's Two Crowns’, pp. 125–40, esp. 133–4. Regalado argues for the importance of the crown not only as a symbol of morality and kingship, but its theological link to the crown of thorns, and therefore with St Louis, who brought the relic of the crown of thorns to Paris. As Brown observes, visually the fleur-de-lis appears only once in Fauvel: on Cupid's sceptre. Brown, , ‘Representations de la Royauté dans les Livres de Fauvel’, in Blanchard, J. (ed.), Représentation, pouvoir et royauté à la fin du Moyen Age: Actes du Colloque organisé par l'Université du Maine les 25 et 26 Mars 1994 (Paris, 1995), p. 222Google Scholar.

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