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VARIETIES OF TEXTUAL VARIANTS: EVIDENCE FROM THE TSINGHUA BAMBOO-STRIP *MING XUN MANUSCRIPT

  • Edward L. Shaughnessy (a1)

Abstract

*Ming xun 命訓 is a text included among the Tsinghua University corpus of Warring States manuscripts and corresponds with a chapter by the same title in the Yi Zhou shu 逸周書. Although the manuscript and received text are quite similar, nevertheless there are numerous textual variants between them. This study provides examples of these variants, divided into five different categories: mis-writing or mis-copying; classifier variation; phonetic loans; graphic similarity; added or deleted text, as well as a sixth type of variant that might be termed “identical variants.” The study also provides complete translations of both the manuscript and received text.

《命訓》屬於清華大學所藏戰國竹書,與《逸周書·命訓解》相應。雖然簡文和傳文基本相似,但是兩文之間也含有相當多的異文。本文將異文分成五個類別:寫錯或抄錯的異文、不同部首的異文、音同或音近假借字、形近字訛的異文、增減的文字,還介紹另外一種異文,可以稱作“同文 的異文”。本文還附加清華簡《命訓》和《逸周書·命訓解》的英文譯文.

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References

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1. Qinghua daxue Chutu wenxian yanjiu yu baohu zhongxin 清華大學出土文獻研究與保護中心 ed., Li Xueqin 李學勤, ed.-in-chief, Qinghua daxue cang Zhanguo zhujian (Wu) 清華大學藏戰國竹簡(伍) (Shanghai: Zhong Xi, 2015).

I am grateful to Christoph Harbsmeier, David Lebovitz, and Boqun Zhou, with whom I read this text and whose ideas inform much of the translation.

2. Mengzi 孟子, “Liang Hui Wang xia” 梁惠王下 (Mengzi zhushu 孟子注疏, Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏ed., 1815; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua, 1980), 2A.11 (2675) includes the following passage:

《書》曰:天降下民,作之君,作之師,惟曰其助上帝寵之。

The Documents says: “Heaven sent down the lower people and made for them rulers and made for them teachers, and said: ‘Would that they help the Lord on High cherish them.’”

Compare the following passage in the Tsinghua manuscript Houfu (strip #5):

古天降下民設萬邦作之君作之師隹曰其 上帝𤔔下民之匿

In antiquity, Heaven sent down the lower people and set up the ten-thousand countries, and made for them rulers and made for them teachers, and said: “Would that that they help the Lord on High untangle the lower people's flaws.”

Although the correspondence is not exact, it is certainly close enough to suggest the identity of the two passages. Since the Houfu purports to be a discussion between an unnamed king of the Xia dynasty and his minister Houfu 厚父, and shares both wording and tone with chapters in the received text of the Shang shu, it would seem to be a reasonable inference that it is the text quoted by the Mencius.

3. I here follow the recent Western practice of differentiating between manuscripts that are explicitly titled and those for which the modern editors have assigned the title by marking the latter type of title with an *-asterisk.

4. For Houfu, see Qinghua daxue cang Zhanguo zhujian (Wu), shang 上, 2–3 (full-size photographs), shang, 25–36 (enlarged photographs), xia 下, 109–16 (transcription and commentary by Zhao Ping'an 趙平安); Feng Xu zhi ming: shang, 4–5, shang, 37–44, xia, 117–23 (Li Xueqin); *Ming xun: shang, 6–9, shang, 45–57, xia, 124–33 (Liu Guozhong 劉國忠); *Tang chu yu Tangqiu: shang, 10–13, shang, 59–70, xia, 134–40 (Shen Jianhua 沈建華); *Tang zai Di Men: shang, 14–17, shang, 71–83, xia, 141–48 (Li Shoukui 李守奎); Yin Gao Zong wen yu San Shou: shang, 18–21, shang, 85–105, xia, 149–60 (Li Junming 李均明).

5. Lu Wenchao's critical edition, simply entitled Yi Zhou shu 逸周書, was originally published in his Baojingtang congshu 抱經堂叢書 (1786), and is reprinted in the Sibu beiyao 四部備要 edition. For the others, see Ding Zongluo 丁宗洛, Yi Zhou shu guanjian 逸周書管箋 (Haikang 海康: Yuyuan 迂園, 1825); Wang Niansun 王念孫, Du Yi Zhou shu za zhi 讀逸周書書雜志, in Huang Qing jingjie xubian 皇清經解續編 (Jiangyin 江陰: Nanjing shuyuan 南莖書院, 1888), juan. 209–12; Chen Fengheng 陳逢衡, Zhou shu buzhu 周書補注 (Jiangdu: 江都: Xiumei shan guan 修梅山館, 1825); Tang Dapei 唐大沛, Yi Zhou shu fenbian jushi 逸周書分編句釋 (Taibei: Xuesheng, 1969); Zhu Youzeng 朱右曾, Zhou shu ji xun jiaoshi 周書集訓校釋 (Jiading 嘉定: Guiyanzhai 歸硯齋, 1846); Sun Yirang 孫詒讓, Zhou shu jiaobu 周書斠補 (Rui'an 瑞安: Zhouqing 籀廎, 1900); Liu Shipei 劉師培, Zhou shu buzheng 周書補正, in Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu 劉申叔先生遺書 4 vols. (1934–36; rpt. Taibei: Daxin, 1965), vol. 2, 867–933.

6. In 1976, Huang Peirong 黃沛榮 completed a Ph.D. dissertation entitled “Zhou shu yanjiu” 周書研究 (Taiwan University, 1976). For a brief introduction to the Yi Zhou shu, see Michael Loewe, ed., Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide (Berkeley, CA: Society for the Study of Early China and Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 229–33. In English, the only monographic treatment to be accorded the Yi Zhou shu is Robin McNeal, Conquer and Govern: Early Chinese Military Texts from the Yizhou Shu (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2012), which provides a translation of five chapters of the text (chapters 6–10).

7. Huang Huaixin 黃懷信, Yi Zhou shu jiaobu zhuyi 逸周書校補注譯 (Xi'an: Xibei daxue, 1996); Huang Huaixin, Zhang Maorong 張懋鎔, and Tian Xudong 田旭東, Yi Zhou shu huijiao jizhu 逸周書彙校集注 (rev. ed. Shanghai: Shanghai, Guji 2007).

8. As will be noted below (n. 12), whereas the manuscript writes chi 恥 “shame,” the received text systematically writes chou 醜 “disgrace.”

9. For perhaps the most eloquent statement of this argument, see Bernard Cerquiglini, Éloge de la variante: Histoire critique de la philology (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1989). I myself have made a similar argument with respect to variants in the Zhou Yi 周易 or Zhou Changes and its tradition; see Hanyi, Xia 夏含夷, “Jianlun ‘Yuedu xiguan’: Yi Shangbo Zhou Yi Jing gua wei li” 简论“閲讀習慣”:以上博《周易·汬》卦为例, Jianbo 简帛 4 (2009), 385–94.

10. An anonymous referee for Early China objects to any notion of text criticism that prefers one variant over another. Conceptually interesting though such an objection may be—especially for temporally parallel texts—it has been well documented for centuries that when texts are transmitted by scribal copying, variants are almost invariably introduced into the copies. It seems worthwhile studying how these variants may have been produced.

11. The variation between wang 亡 and wu 無 is common in Chinese excavated texts. Indeed, many readers simply read 亡 as wu, and unproblematically transcribe it as 无 or 無. The *Ming xun manuscript may offer some support for this reading practice. On strip #11, there is a passage written as 之以季, but read, primarily on the basis of the received text, as fu zhi yi hui 撫之以惠 “soothe them with generosity.” If is indeed to be read as fu 撫 “to soothe,” then it would demonstrate phonetic contact between 亡 and wu 無.

12. Chi 恥 “ashamed” and chou 醜 “disgraced” are synonyms, and the variation between them does not influence the meaning, at least very much. It is, however, interesting to note that in the “Chang xun” chapter of the Yi Zhou shu, the “six limits” (liu ji 六極) are enumerated as “command” (ming 命), “hearing” (ting 聽), “good fortune” (fu 福), “awards” (shang 賞), “misfortune” (huo 禍), and “punishment” (fa 罰). In his critical edition, Lu Wenchao emended ting 聽 to chou 醜, presumably on the basis of other usage throughout this and the other two related chapters. Now with the corresponding word in the *Ming xun manuscript being chi 恥,written as 佴, it seems possible to explain this variant: some early version of the “Chang xun” chapter doubtless also read either 佴 or, more likely 恥, and the “ear signific” caused this to be mistaken for ting 聽.

13. Tang Dapei, Yi Zhou shu fenbian jushi, 24. Actually, the manuscript itself seems slightly incorrect here, in that it seems to be missing a question particle hu 乎 at the end of the phrase ren neng ju 人能居 “can mankind be content?” While it is the case that question particles are not essential in rhetorical questions such as this, that hu occurs in the following four parallel questions in the text strongly suggests that it should occur here as well. A very similar phrase, min neng ju hu 民能居乎 “can the people be content?,” appears in the “Du xun” chapter of the Yi Zhou shu; Yi Zhou shu, 1.1b.

14. For these pronunciations, see Axel Schuessler, Minimal Old Chinese and Later Han Chinese: A Companion to Grammata Serica Recensa (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009), 138, 328. Whereas the archaic pronunciations are quite distinct, the respective medieval pronunciations became much closer: according to Schuessler, zheng 正 had a later Han pronunciation something like *tśeŋ, while zhen 震 had a medieval pronunciation perhaps like *tśjen (as given for 振). This perhaps suggests that the variant entered the text sometime after the Han dynasty.

15. Lu Wenchao emended the apparently meaningless qie 且 here to read ji 冀 “to hope for,” an emendation accepted by all subsequent editors; for Lu's emendation, see Yi Zhou shu (Sibu beiyao ed.), 1.3b.

16. Elsewhere in the manuscript (e.g., at strip #8), shang is written simply as , i.e., 上. It is unclear to me whether the different orthography carries any semantic distinction.

17. For this form of shang 上, see Gao Ming 高明 and Tu Baikui 涂白奎, eds., Guwenzi leibian 古文字類編 (2nd rev. ed. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji, 2008), 367.

18. For these forms of ge 戈 and jie 戒, see Gao Ming and Tu Baikui, Guwenzi leibian, 619 and 213.

19. For similar examples, see Zuo zhuan 左傳 “Yin” 隱 3:

君義,臣行,父慈,子孝,兄愛,弟敬,所謂六順也。

The lord being proper, the minister behaving, the father being loving, the son being filial, the older brother being caring, and younger brother being respectful are what are called the six compliances.

See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zheng yi 春秋左傳正義 (Shisan jing zhushu 十三經註疏 ed., 1815; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua, 1980), 3.22 (1724). See also Lunyu 論語, “Wei Ling Gong” 衛靈公 (Lunyu zhushu 論語注疏, [Shisan jing zhushu ed.], 15.61 [2517]):

子張問行。子曰:「言忠信,行篤敬,雖蠻貊之邦,行矣。言不忠信,行不篤敬,雖州裏,行乎哉?

Zi Zhang asked about (good) behavior. The Master said: “If one speaks loyally and credibly and one behaves generously and respectfully, then even abroad in the countries of the barbarians it certainly counts as good behavior. If one does not speak loyally and credibly and one does not behave generously or respectfully, then even at home would it count as good behavior?

I am grateful to Christoph Harbsmeier for suggesting these parallels.

20. For gan 干 “to strive,” here, some editions of the received text write yu 于 “in,” which however hardly makes any sense in the context.

21. These “six limits” (liu ji 六極) are also enumerated, in a slightly different order, in the “Chang xun” chapter of the Yi Zhou shu; see, above, n. 12.

22. Qinghua daxue Chutu wenxian yanjiu yu baohu zhongxin 清華大學出土文獻研究與保護中心 ed., Li Xueqin 李學勤, ed.-in-chief, Qinghua daxue cang Zhanguo zhujian (Yi) 清華大學藏戰國竹簡(壹) (Shanghai: Zhong Xi, 2015): Cheng wu: shang, 6–7, 47–51, xia, 135–41; Huang men: shang, 18–21, 87–96, xia, 163–72; Zhai Gong zhi gu ming: shang, 22–25, 99–113, xia, 173–79.

23. For a study arguing that the “Zhai Gong” chapter of the Yi Zhou shu may well derive from the Western Zhou period, see Edward L. Shaughnessy, “Texts Lost in Texts: Recovering the ‘Zhai Gong’ Chapter of the Yi Zhou Shu,” in Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeier on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Christoph Anderl and Halvor Eifring (Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006), 31–47.

24. Qinghua daxue Chutu wenxian yanjiu yu baohu zhongxin 清華大學出土文獻研究與保護中心 ed., Li Xueqin 李學勤, ed.-in-chief, Qinghua daxue cang Zhanguo zhujian (Wu) 清華大學藏戰國竹簡(伍) (Shanghai: Zhong Xi, 2015), shang, 6–9 (full-size photographs), shang, 45–57 (enlarged photographs), xia, 124–33 (transcription and notes).

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