1. See Chang, Kwang-chih, The Archaeology of Ancient China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 234–94Google Scholar; Liu, Li, “Development of Chiefdom Societies in the Middle and Lower Yellow River Valley in Neolithic China—A Study of the Longshan Culture from the Perspective of Settlement Patterns” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994), 107–12Google Scholar, and “Settlement Patterns, Chiefdom Variability, and the Development of Early States in North China,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 15 (1996), 237–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Underhill, Anne, “Variation in Settlements During the Longshan Period of Northern China,” Asian Perspectives 33. 2 (1994), 197–228Google Scholar.

2. For detailed discussion and critiques of this subject, see Pearson, Richard, “Chinese Neolithic Burial Patterns: Problems of Method and Interpretation,” Early China 13 (1988), 1–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. E.g., Pearson, Richard, “Social Complexity in Chinese Coastal Neolithic Sites,” Science 213 (1981), 1078–86CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed, and “Chinese Neolithic Burial Patterns”; and Underhill, Anne, “A Mortuary Analysis of the Dawenkou Cemetery Site, Shandong, China” (M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1983)Google Scholar.

4. E.g., Fung, Christopher, “Deer-tusk Knives, Serving Stands and Goblets: A Contextual Analysis of Burial Goods from Selected Dawenkou Burials, North China,” in Essays on East Asian Archaeology in Honor of Professor K.C. Chang, ed. Murowchick, Robert E.et al. (Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum Press, in press)Google Scholar; Keightley, David N., “Dead but not Gone: Cultural Implications of Mortuary Practice in Neolithic and Early Bronze Age China ca. 8000 to 1000 B.C.,” paper presented to the Conference of the Ritual and Social Significance of Death in Chinese Society (Oracle, Arizona, 1985)Google ScholarPubMed; and Keightley, , “The Quest for Eternity in Ancient China: The Dead, Their Gifts, Their Names,” in Ancient Mortuary Traditions of China, ed. Kuwayama, George (Los Angeles: Far Eastern Art Council, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1991), 12–24Google Scholar.

5. This approach to mortuary analysis was first proposed by Binford, Louis, “Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential,” in Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, ed. Brown, J. A. (Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 25 [1971]), 6–29Google Scholar; and by Saxe, Arthur, “Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1970)Google Scholar. Often referred to as the processual approach in archaeology because it addresses the cause-and-effect relationships that generate cultural processes, the mortuary theory of this school emphasizes the direct connection between variations in burial practice and different social systems. Different degrees of energy input in burials are thought to indicate different social ranks among the deceased. See also, Peebles, Christopher S., “Moundville and Surrounding Sites: Some Structural Considerations of Mortuary Practices,” in Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, ed. Brown, , 8–91Google Scholar; Tainter, Joseph A., “The Social Correlates of Mortuary Patterning at Kaloko, North Kona, Hawaii,” Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 8 (1973), 1–11Google Scholar; and Tainter, , “Spatial Organization and Social Patterning in the Kaloko Cemetery, North Kona, Hawaii,” Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 11 (1976), 91–105Google Scholar.

6. This interpretation of mortuary practice is associated with contextual archaeology, which represents a critique of the Binford-Saxe Approach. See especially, Hodder, Ian, Symbols in Action: Ethnoarchaeological Studies of Material Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; and Hodder, , ed., Symbolic and Structural Archaeology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Contextual archaeology maintains that burial patterns do not directly express the actual power relations in society; rather the symbolism of ritual communication refers only to an idealized expression of such relations. Furthermore, the ideological element in the social context of burial plays an important role in mortuary rites. Thus, the relationship between living and dead should be integrated into studies of mortuary practices, since the dead may be used as one of many modes of social advertisement by survivors for re-ordering their social positions (see Pearson, Michael P., “Mortuary Practices, Society and Ideology: An Ethno-archaeological Study,” in Symbolic and Structural Archaeology, ed. Hodder, , 99–113)Google Scholar.

In the continuing scholarly debate on mortuary practice, many archaeologists are adopting a third theoretical position which reconciles the differences between the two competing interpretations of mortuary practice described above (see Morris, Ian, “The Archaeology of Ancestors: The Saxe/Goldstein Hypothesis Revisited,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 1. 2 [1991], 147–69)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Proponents of this third position favor the processual school's emphasis on mortuary variability as a reflection of social organization, while also agreeing with the contextual school's insight that recognizes the cognitive contribution of survivors to ritual.

7. See Barrett, John, “The Living, the Dead and the Ancestors: Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Mortuary Practices,” in The Archaeology of Context in the Neolithic and Bronze Age: Recent Trends, ed. Barrett, J. C. and Kinnes, I. A. (Sheffield: Dept. of Anthropology and Prehistory, University of Sheffield, 1988), 30–41Google Scholar; and Thomas, Julian, Rethinking the Neolithic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

8. As Lynne G. Goldstein has pointed out, mortuary sites “reflect both a differentiation of activities and a differentiation of the social units performing the activities; mortuary sites should thus also exhibit a complex formal-spatial structure” (Goldstein, , “One-Dimensional Archaeology and Multi-Dimensional People: Spatial Organisation and Mortuary Analysis,” in The Archaeology of Death, ed. Chapman, R., Kinnes, I., and Randsborg, K. [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981], 57)Google Scholar.

9. Saxe, , “Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices,” 223–34Google Scholar; Goldstein, Lynne G., “Spatial Structure and Social Organization: Regional Manifestations of Mississippian Society” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1976)Google Scholar; and Tainter, , “Spatial Organization and Social Patterning,” 91–105Google Scholar.

10. Gao, Qiang and Lee, Yun Kuen, “A Biological Perspective on Yangshao Kinship,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 12 (1993), 266–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Multiple secondary burials refer to a burial form which is characterized by the presence of multiple skeletons in each grave, and most skeleton remains appear to have been removed from their primary burial pits and then re-buried collectively.

11. Tainter, , “The Social Correlates of Mortuary Patterning,” 6Google Scholar.

12. Binford, , “Mortuary Practices,” 21–23Google Scholar.

13. Pearson, , “Mortuary Practices, Society and Ideology,” 112Google Scholar.

14. The wooden frame and the leathery skin of the drums are rarely preserved, but the bony part of the skin (scute) may remain.

15. Egg-shell pottery was previously referred to as black pottery, and was made of very fine clay. Manufactured or finished by the fast-wheel technique to form an extremely thin wall, it was then well-polished and carefully fired to produce the characteristic shiny black appearance. The high-stemmed goblet form of egg-shell pottery (gaobingbei高柄杯) was developed stylistically from the black pottery gaobingbei of the Dawenkou culture. The egg-shell pottery goblets of the Longshan culture are normally 0.5–2.0 mm thick (the plate on the upper part of the vessel is often the thinnest, while the stem and the base are thicker), are no more than 25 cm high, and weigh 50–70 grams. See Zaizhong, Du杜在忠, “Shilun Longshan wenhua de ‘danketao’” 試論龍山文化的蛋殼陶,Kaogu 考古1982.2,176–81Google Scholar; Yingtang, Su蘇迎堂, “Gutao guibao danketao”古陶瑰寶蛋殼陶, Wenwu文物1980. 9, 82–83Google Scholar; Ruzuo, Wu吳汝祚, “Shilun Longshan wenhua de danke taobei”試論龍山文化的蛋殼陶杯, Shiqian yanjiu 史前硏究1987.1, 34Google Scholar; Ruzuo, Wu, “Cong heitaobei kan Dawenkou Longshan wenhua fazhan de jieduanxing jiqi zhongxin fanwei” 從黑陶杯看大汶口龍山文化發展的階段性及其中心範圍, in Kaoguxue wenhua iw—考古學文化論集, ed. Bingqi, Su 蘇秉琦 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1989), 31–44Google Scholar; and Hua'nan, Zhong 鐘華南, “Dawenkou Longshan wenhua heitao gaobingbei de moni shiyan” 大汶口龍山文化黑陶高柄杯的模擬試驗, in Kaoguxue wenhua lunji, ed. Bingqi, Su, 255–73Google Scholar.

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22. yanjiusuo, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu, “Shandong Yanzhou Wangyin xinshiqi shidai yizhi fajue jianbao” 山東兗州王因新石器時代遺址發掘簡報, Kaogu xuebao 1979. 1, 5–14Google Scholar.

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54. The earliest examples of pig mandibles interred in human burials were found in two tombs (M15, M208) at the Dadiwan大地灣site in Qin'an 秦安, Gansu, dated to Phase I (c. 5400 B.C.) of the Dadiwan culture (bowuguan, Gansu sheng, “Gansu Qin'an Dadiwan xinshiqi shidai zaoqi yicun”甘肅秦安大地灣新石器時代早期遺 Wenwu 1981. 4, 1–7)Google Scholar.

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69. Keightley, , “Dead but not Gone,” 33–34Google ScholarPubMed; Fung, “Deer-tusk Knives, Serving Stands and Goblets,”

70. guanlizu, Changwei diqu wenwu and bowuguan, Zhucheng xian, “Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao” 山東諸城呈子遺址發掘報告, Kaogu xuebao 1980. 3, 329–85Google Scholar; yanjiusuo, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu, Jiaoxian Sanlihe 應縣三里河 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1988), 173–84Google Scholar.

71. Renxiang, Wang, “Xinshiqi shidai zangzhu de zongjiao yiyi,” 84Google Scholar.

72. Keightley, , “Dead but not Gone” 33Google ScholarPubMed; Fung, “Deer-tusk Knives, Serving Stands and Goblets.”

73. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “Shanxi Xiangfen xian Taosi yizhi fajue jianbao,” and “1978–1980 nian Shanxi Xiangfen Taosi mudi fajue jianbao.”

74. Gao Wei, Gao Tianlin, and Zhang Daihai, “Guanyu Taosi mudi.”

75. Wei, Gao, “Longshan shidai de lizhi,” 239Google Scholar.

76. In Taosi burials, the large V-shaped stone knives were associated with cutting boards, indicating that they were used for food preparation in ritual (Wei, Gao, “Longshan shidai de lizhi,” 242)Google Scholar. This type of stone knife was also found at Liangzhu sites in the lower Yangtze River region (Jian, Song 宋健, “Songshan diqu yu Taihu diqu wenming jincheng de bijiao yanjiu” 嵩山地區與太湖地區文明進程的比較硏究, Shanghai bowuguan jikan 6 [1992], 366, figure 20)Google Scholar and the Lushanmao site in Shaanxi (Naijun, Ji 姬乃軍, “Yan'an shi faxian de gudai yuqi” 延安巿發現的古 代玉器, Wenwu 1984.2, 84–87)Google Scholar.

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78. yanjiusuo, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu, “1978–1980 nian Shanxi Xiangfen Taosi mudi fajue jianbao,” 32Google Scholar.

79. Wei, Gao, Tianlin, Gao, and Daihai, Zhang, “Guanyu Taosi mudi,” 533Google Scholar.

80. Wei, Gao, Tianlin, Gao, and Daihai, Zhang, “Guanyu Taosi mudi,” 534Google Scholar.

81. The occupants of small tombs were probably not captives, slaves, or human sacrifices. First, skeletons in all small burials were placed in the grave pits in an extended dorsal position, suggesting that the deceased had received regular mortuary treatment. Second, the skeletons reveal no evidence of a violent death. Last, in each section of the cemetery, all ranks of burials were closely spaced and organized in a regular pattern, indicating the existence of close relationships among the deceased when they were alive. Evidence of human sacrifice in Neolithic burials, however, was revealed in three Liangzhu culture burials at Fuquanshan 福泉山 in Qingpu, 靑浦, Shanghai, (“Shanghai faxian sanzuo ‘Liangzhu’ gumu you peizang nuli” 上海發現三座良渚古墓有陪葬奴隸, Xinhua ribao 新華日報, 01 3, 1988)Google Scholar, and eight large burials at Huating in Jiangsu, belonging either to the Dawenkou culture (bowuguan, Nanjing, “1987 nian Jiangsu Xinyi Huating yizhi de fajue” 1987 年江蘇新祈花廳遺址的發掘, Wenwu 1990. 2, 1–26Google Scholar; and “Jiangsu Xinyi Huating yizhi 1989 nian fajue jiyao” 江蘇新沂花廳遺址1989年發掘記要, Dongnan wenhua 東南文化 1990.1-2, 225–61)Google Scholar or to the Liangzhu culture (Minghua, Zhang 張明華, “Guanyu yipi Liangzhu xing guyu de wen-hua guishu wenti” 關于一批良渚型古玉的文化歸屬問題, Kaogu 1994. 11, 1012–21)Google Scholar.

82. Changwei diqu wenwu guanlizu and Zhucheng xian bowuguan, “Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao.”

83. I disagree with the excavation report, which suggests that the burials were divided into three sections; see guanlizu, Changwei diqu wenwu and bowuguan, Zhucheng xian, “Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao,” 349Google Scholar.

84. The two houses were not dated in the excavation report. However, house F2 was on top of a middle-phase burial (M18), and house F3 had intruded into an early-phase burial (M76). It is likely that the houses belong to the late phase. From the structure of the houses and the artificial remains near them, there is no evidence that the houses had been used for any purpose other than as domestic residences.

85. Pit H16, which has been dated to the late phase and was associated with house F3, adds support to dating the houses to the late phase (guan-lizu, Changwei diqu wenwu and bowuguan, Zhucheng xian, “Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao,” 377)Google Scholar.

86. At Cishan, 474 ash pits and only two house foundations were found in an area of 2,579 m². Among the ash pits, eighty were filled with millet and two with tree seeds. The millet deposit was 0.3 m to 2.0 m in thickness. Sometimes skeletons of dogs and pigs were underneath the millet deposit, and whole vessels were also found in some pits (guanlichu, Hebei sheng wenwu and baoguansuo, Handan shi wenwu, “Hebei Wu'an Cishan yizhi” 河北武安磁山遺址, Kaogu xuebao 1981. 3, 303–38)Google Scholar. Gong, Bu 卜工, “Cishan jisiyizhi jixiangguan wenti” 磁山祭祀遺址及相關問題, Wenwu 1987.11, 43–47Google Scholar, argues that the ash pits may have served a ritual function, and that the excavated areas at the Cishan site were largely used as places for public ritual activities. This kind of activity, which involved digging a pit and burying sacrifices, may be the prototype of the rituals later identified as xianji 陷祭in oracle bone inscriptions, as yimai 瘦埋 in Erya 爾雅, “Shitian” 釋天, and as kan in Liji 禮言己 (all refer to a burying ritual).

87. guanlizu, Changwei diqu wenwu and bowuguan, Zhucheng xian, ”Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao,” 348Google Scholar.

88. Pit H14, which was close to a middle phase burial (M67), is dated to the early phase in the excavation report, and would seem to be an exception. However, several pottery vessels found in the pit, such as an All type ding 鼎 tripod and a II type cylinder-stand pan 盤 basin, were dated to the middle or late phases. Therefore, I place pit H14 in the late phase, and consider it to be later than burial M67.

89. guanlizu, Changwei diqu wenwu and bowuguan, Zhucheng xian, ”Shandong Zhucheng Chengzi yizhi fajue baogao,” 348Google Scholar.

90. jiaoyanshi, Shandong daxue lishixi kaogu zhuanye, Sishui Yinjiacheng, 2–4Google Scholar.

91. It seems that there was a cultural discontinuity between phase I and phase II. In phase I, six dismembered human skeletons, including four children under thirteen years of age and one old male, were found on the floors of the four houses. Abundant burnt mud and ash as well as a large quantity of tools and pottery vessels were also found above the house floors. The evidence suggests that phase I may have ended with the occurrence of some kind of disaster at the village—probably an enemy raid, as the houses were burnt down after the elder and younger inhabitants were killed. In contrast, phases II-IV show a continuous cultural development.

92. According to Tiemei, Chen 陳鐵梅, “Zhongguo xinshiqi muzang chengnian rengu bili yichang de wenti” 中國新石器墓葬成年人骨比例異常的問題, Kaogu xuebao 1990. 4, 511–22Google Scholar, an unbalanced sex ratio, in which the number of males is much higher than the number of females, exists in 50% of Neolithic burial sites. However, as noted by Chen, the gender data from Neolithic burial sites may not reflect true demographic configurations. The reasons can be summarized as follows: (1) poor preservation of the skeletons makes sex determination difficult; (2) misidentifications may be made by archaeologists due to the lack of understanding of the differences between Neolithic and modern female body types (Neolithic female skeletons were more robust than those of modern females, since they performed more physical work in their daily lives); (3) Women often died at a younger age in the Neolithic period, and their skeletons were more perishable than those of males who tended to survive longer; (4) males and females were not treated equally in burial customs; (5) female infanticide may have been practiced for population control. Because of these factors, the sex ratio from Neolithic sites has to be handled with caution.

93. The distribution of burials at the site is illustrated in the excavation report (Shandong daxue lishixi kaogu zhuanye jiaoyanshi, Sishui Yinjiacheng, figure 32), but the locations of pits and houses are not. This makes spatial analysis difficult. Based on descriptions in the text and based on the inventory lists, I have tried to plot the houses and pits in my maps. The accuracy of this plotting is limited, since the report only indicates the number of the excavation squares in which houses and pits were found. I can only mark the approximate location of the houses and the pits in the excavation squares where they were found. Most houses were poorly preserved, so it is difficult to analyze the ranking of houses in relation to the ranking of burials. Therefore, burial ranking is the only variable used here for the study of spatial separation as an indicator of social hierarchy.

94. Other comparable examples are the three burials found at Zhufeng in Linqu, Shandong (see below).

95. One exception is M138, which was not associated with any houses. It was located in the southwestern corner of the excavated area. It is not known if there were more archaeological features, including houses and burials, beyond the excavated area.

96. The jade knife (16.1 cm long, 7.8–8.1 cm wide, and 0.3 cm thick) was found in M139, ranked in Class 2.

97. The pits near the houses probably also had a religious function in household ritual activities of the Longshan culture (an example of this has been identified at the Kangjia 康家 site in Lintong 臨潼, Shaanxi). See Liu, , “Development of Chiefdom Societies,” 99–128Google Scholar.

98. Shandong sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Linqu xian Xizhufeng”; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “Shandong Linqu Zhufeng.”

99. The Liangzhu jade ornaments mentioned here refer to the so-called guanzhuangqi 冠狀器 “headdress-shaped objects” (Figure 4), found near the head of skeletons in large burials at the Fanshan site in Yuhang, Zhejiang. See Jinpeng, Du 杜金鵬, “Lun Linqu Zhufeng Longshan wenhua yuguanshi ji xiangguan wenti” 論臨朐朱封龍山文化玉冠飾及相關問題, Kaogu 1994. 1, 55–65Google Scholar.

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101. yanjiusuo, Shaanxi sheng kaogu, Longgangsi 龍岡寺(Beijing: Wenwu, 1990), 10, 59–67Google Scholar; Jingwu, Wei 魏京武 and Yachang, Yang 楊 亞 長, “Longgangsi xinshiqi shidai gonggong mudi de fajue yu chubu yanjiu” 龍崗寺新石器時代公共墓地的發掘與初歩研究, in Kaoguxue yanjiu: jinian Shaanxi sheng kaogusuo chengli sanshi zhounian 考古學硏究：紀念陕西省考古所成立三十周年 (Xi'an: Sanqin, 1993), 91–111Google Scholar.

102. For a more detailed discussion of the development of ancestor ritual revealed in Neolithic data, see Liu, Li, “Ancestor Worship: An Archaeological Investigation of Ritual Activities in Neolithic North China,” in Essays on East Asian Archaeology in Honor of Professor K.C. Chang, ed. Murowchick, et al.Google Scholar

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108. The social position of women may have not been universally lower than that of men. In one case at Sanlihe in Shandong, female burials make up the greater percentage of the highest ranking burials (Liu, , “Development of Chiefdom Societies,” 214–17)Google Scholar.

109. yanjiusuo, Zhejiang wenwu kaogu, “Zhejiang Yuhang Fanshan Liangzhu mudi fajue jianbao” 浙江餘杭反山良渚墓地發掘簡報, Wenwu 1988. 1, 1–31Google Scholar; and “Yuhang Yaoshan Liangzhu wenhua jitan yizhi fajue jianbao” 餘杭瑶山良渚文化祭壇遺址發掘簡報, Wenwu 1988. 1, 32–51Google Scholar.

110. See Peebles, , “Moundville and Surrounding Sites: Some Structural Considerations of Mortuary Practices,” 68–91Google Scholar; and de Morales, Merry, “Chalcatzingo's Burials as Indicators of Social Ranking,” in Ancient Chalcatzingo, ed. Grove, David C. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987), 95–113Google Scholar.

111. See Hong, Wu, “From Temple to Tomb: Ancient Chinese Art and Religion in Transition,” Early China 13 (1988), 78–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The remains of a shrine found on top of M5 at Xiaotun in Anyang, Henan (which belongs to Fuhao 婦好, a consort of King Wuding 武丁 in the late Shang dynasty) is one indication that rituals were performed at tombs (yanjiusuo, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu, Yinxu Fuhao mu 殷墟婦好墓 [Beijing: Wenwu, 1980], 6)Google Scholar.

112. Wangping, Shao, “‘Yugong’ Jiuzhou de kaoguxue yanjiu,” 11–30Google Scholar. “Yugong” (Tribute of Yu) is a pre-Qin text recording the tribute made to the dynastic court, probably in Jizhou (in Shanxi and Hebei) from surrounding regions.

113. Guangren, Gao 高廣仁and Wangping, Shao 邵望平, “Zhongguo shiqian de guiling yu quansheng” 中國史前的龜靈與犬, in Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu 中國考古學研究, ed. Bingqi, Su (Beijing: Wenwu, 1986), 57–70Google Scholar.

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115. The remains of a pair of turtle shells painted with red pigment, perhaps used as a rattle, were found in a Longshan culture deposit at the Kangjia site in central Shaanxi. The turtle was identified as Chinemys reevesii, a form not native to the area; the turtle rattle was probably obtained directly or indirectly from southern regions as ritual paraphernalia (see Liu, “Development of Chiefdom Societies,” 107–12)Google Scholar.

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119. The Erlitou culture is divided into four phases, dating to 1900–1600 B.C. The bronze ritual vessels, bronze workshops, elaborate burials, and most palatial structures occurred in Phase III. See yanjiusuo, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu, Xin Zhongguo de kaogu faxian he yanjiu 新中國的考古發現和硏究 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1984), 211–15Google Scholar; Chang, , The Archaeology of Ancient China, 307–16Google Scholar; and Thorp, Robert L., “Erlitou and the Search for the Xia” Early China 16 (1991), 1–38Google Scholar.