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Silk textiles, crisis and adaptative strategies in Catalonia, 1770–1850s (Barcelona and Manresa)

  • Àngels Solà Parera (a1), Llorenç Ferrer-Alós (a1), Lluís Virós Pujolà (a2) and Yoshiko Yamamichi (a3)

Abstract

This article compares the impact of the economic crisis of 1787–1832, including the war and the loss of colonial markets, on the silk industry in Barcelona and Manresa, the two main centres of silk production in eighteenth-century Catalonia. In particular, it explores how families adopted different strategies in adapting to the crisis. Some moved into different sectors, including the emerging cotton industry, sometimes accompanied by geographical mobility. Others innovated by manufacturing specialised products, such as ribbons and handkerchiefs, often taking advantage of technological innovations in the textile industry. The article also offers some reflections on the role of women in these adaptative strategies, as far as the limited evidence allows.

French Abstract

Tissus de soie, crise et stratégies d'adaptation en Catalogne, de 1770 aux années 1850 (Barcelone et Manresa)

Nous comparons l'impact de la crise économique de 1787-1832, sans oublier la guerre et la perte de marchés coloniaux, sur l'industrie de la soie à Barcelone et à Manresa, les deux principaux centres de cette production en Catalogne au XVIIIe siècle. Ce travail explore en particulier les différentes stratégies mises en oeuvre par les familles pour s'adapter à la crise. Certaines se sont tournées vers d'autres secteurs, notamment l'industrie émergente du coton, comportement parfois accompagné d'une mobilité géographique. D'autres ont innové en fabriquant des produits spécialisés, tels rubans et mouchoirs, profitant souvent d'innovations technologiques dans l'industrie textile. L'article propose également quelques réflexions sur le rôle des femmes dans ces stratégies d'adaptation, dans la mesure où les sources, limitées, le permettent.

German Abstract

Seidenwaren, Krise und Anpassungsstrategien in Katalonien, 1770-1850er Jahre (Barcelona und Manresa)

Dieser Beitrag vergleicht die Auswirkungen der Wirtschaftskrise 1787-1832 (einschließlich Krieg und Verlust kolonialer Märkte) auf die Seidenindustrie in Barcelona und Manresa, den beiden Hauptzentren der Seidenproduktion in Katalonien im 18. Jahrhundert, und untersucht insbesondere, inwieweit Familien unterschiedliche Strategien der Krisenanpassung ergriffen. Einige wechselten in andere Sektoren, darunter in die neu entstehende Baumwollindustrie, womit zuweilen auch geographische Mobilität verbunden war. Andere setzten auf Innovationen, indem sie spezialisierte Produkte wie Bänder oder Taschentücher herstellten und dabei auch Nutzen aus technologischen Neuerungen in der Textilindustrie zogen. Der Beitrag bietet auch einige Überlegungen (sofern die begrenzten Befunde dies erlauben) zur Frage, welche Rolle Frauen bei diesen Anpassungsstrategien spielten.

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Corresponding author

*Corresponding author. Email: angelssola@ub.edu

Footnotes

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This research has been carried out within the project HAR2017-84030-P, Mundos del trabajo en transición (1750–1930): cualificación, movilidad y desigualdades. The authors would like to thank the three anonymous referees and the editors for their remarks and suggestions.

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References

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1 Torras, J., ‘L'economia catalana abans del 1800. Un esquema’, in Història Econòmica de la Catalunya Contemporània (Barcelona, 1994), Vol. 1, 1360; Ribas, J. M. Delgado, ‘El comerç exterior de Barcelona al segle XVIII’, in Història de Barcelona: El desplegament de la ciutat manufacturera (1714–1833) (Barcelona, 1993), Vol. 5, 266–80; Valls-Junyent, F., La Catalunya atlàntica. Aiguardent i teixits en l'arrencada industrial catalana (Vic, 2004), 28285; Baquero, A. García, ‘Comercio colonial y producción industrial en Cataluña a fines del siglo XVIII’, in Nadal, J. and Tortella, G. eds., Agricultura, comercio colonial y crecimiento económico en la España contemporánea (Barcelona, 1974), 268–94; J. M. Delgado Ribas, ‘Cataluña y el sistema de libre comercio, 1778–1818. Una reflexión sobre las raíces del reformismo borbónico’ (tesis doctoral inédita, Universitat de Barcelona, 1981); Ribas, J. M. Delgado, ‘“El algodón engaña”. Algunas reflexiones en torno al papel de la demanda americana en el desarrollo de la indianería catalana’, Manuscrits. Revista d'història moderna 11 (1993), 28, 6183; Navarro, D. Muñoz, ‘La seda en el comercio colonial español’, in Benavent, R. Franch and Espinach, G. Navarro coords., Las rutas de la seda en la historia de España y Portugal (Valencia, 2017), 275311.

2 Ribas, J. M. Delgado, ‘El impacto de las crisis coloniales en la economía catalana (1787–1807)’, in Fontana, J. ed., La economía española al final del Antiguo Régimen. III. Comercio y colonias (Madrid, 1982), 99109; Sánchez, A. and Valls-Junyent, F., ‘El mercado de algodón en Barcelona durante la crisis del Antiguo Régimen, 1790–1840’, Revista de Historia Industrial XXIV, 58 (2015), 6193.

3 Vilar, P., Catalunya dins l'Espanya Moderna. Recerques sobre els fonaments econòmics de les estructures nacionals (Barcelona, 1964–1968), Vol. 3, 470–80; Vol. 4, 27–38, 51–6, 77–85, 128–54; Delgado Ribas, ‘El impacto’, 99–109; Valls-Junyent, La Catalunya atlàntica, 283–5 shows that by 1797–1801 maritime traffic was reduced to 80% of what it had been in 1783–1796. For an overview of the crisis in Spain, see Llopis, E., ‘La crisis del Antiguo Régimen, 1789–1840’, in Llopis, E. and de Motes, J. Maluquer eds., España en crisis. Las grandes depresiones económicas, 1348–2012 (Barcelona, 2013), 97132.

4 Molas, P., Los gremios barceloneses del siglo XVIII. La estructura corporativa al comienzo de la revolución industrial (Barcelona, 1970), 437.

5 Delgado Ribas, ‘El impacto’, 107, 166–7; Delgado Ribas, ‘El comerç exterior’, 280.

6 A. Sánchez, ‘Guerra e industria. Consecuencias de la Guerra de la Independencia en la industria manufacturera española’, in E. La Parra López ed., La guerra de Napoleón en España. Reacciones, imágenes, consecuencias (Alicante, 2010), 399–423.

7 J. M. Fradera, ‘El comercio de cereales y la prohibición de 1820 (el caso del mercado catalán)’, Agricultura y sociedad 30 (1984), 137–68.

8 J. M. Fradera, Indústria i mercat. Les bases comercials de la indústria catalana moderna (1814–1845) (Barcelona, 1987); P. Pascual, Agricultura i industrialització a la Catalunya del segle XIX. Formació i desestructuració d'un sistema econòmic (Barcelona, 1990); Valls-Junyent, La Catalunya atlàntica, 78–88; Sánchez and Valls-Junyent, ‘El mercado de algodón’, 70–89.

9 See Delgado Ribas, ‘El impacto’. Pierre Vilar discusses the impact of the Napoleonic wars in Catalunya Vol. 3, 470–80; Vol. 4, 27–38, 51–6, 77–85, 128–54. Jordi Nadal has drawn links between the demographic crisis of the early nineteenth century, as a result of bad harvests, to the beginning of mechanisation of cotton spinning in Catalonia; see ‘Les grandes mortalités des années 1793 à 1812: effets à long terme sur la démographie catalane’, in V. A. ed., Problèmes de mortalité. Colloque International tenu à l'Université de Liège, 1963 (Liège, 1965), 409–21.

10 Delgado Ribas, ‘El impacto’, 99–169; Sánchez and Valls, ‘El mercado de algodón’, 70–7.

11 A. Sánchez, ‘La era de la manufactura algodonera en Barcelona, 1736–1839’, Estudios de Historia Social, 48–49 (Madrid, 1989), 65–114, and idem, ‘Crisis económica y respuesta empresarial’, Revista de Historia Económica VIII, 3 (Madrid, 2000), 491–523. A complete synthesis of the cotton crises of this period can be found in J. K. J. Thomson, Els orígens de la industrialització a Catalunya. El cotó a Barcelona (1728–1832) (Barcelona, 1994), 319–57, and idem, ‘Consideracions sobre la indústria cotonera i la seva evolució a Barcelona, 1730–1840’, in À. Sánchez coord., La indústria de les indianes a Barcelona, 1730–1850, Barcelona. Quaderns d'Història 17 (Barcelona, 2012), 317–30.

12 Sánchez, ‘Guerra e industria’, 399–423; L. Prados de la Escosura, ‘La pérdida del Imperio y sus consecuencias económicas’, in L. Prados de la Escosura and D. Amaral eds., La independencia americana: consecuencias económicas (Madrid, 1993), 253–320.

13 J. M. Benaul, ‘La llana’, in Història Econòmica de Catalunya Contemporània. III. S. XIX. Indústria, transports i finances (Barcelona, 1991), 87–91 (the crisis is described in 90–1); J. M. Benaul, ‘Cambio tecnológico y estructura industrial. Los inicios del sistema de fábrica en la industria pañera catalana, 1815–1835’, Revista de Historia Económica 2 (1995), 199–26; J. M. Benaul dir., El Gremi de Fabricants de Sabadell, 1559–2009. Organització empresarial i ciutat industrial (Sabadell, 2009), 74–81.

14 Valls-Junyent, La Catalunya atlàntica, 283–309; Sánchez and Valls-Junyent, ‘El mercado de algodón’, 70–87.

15 À. Sánchez and F. Valls-Junyent, ‘Les crisis a Catalunya en una etapa de creixement i transició (1680–1840)’, Recerques. Història, Economia, Cultura 72–73 (2016–2017), 145–70.

16 M. Vicente, ‘Artisans and work in a Barcelona cotton factory (1770–1816)’, International Review of Social History 45 (2000), 21–2.

17 Solà Parera, ‘La seda en Cataluña’, in Franch and Navarro, Las rutas, 313–43; À. Solà Parera, ‘Del règim liberal al sistema liberal: llibreters, impressors i velers de Barcelona, 1760–1854’, in P. Molas and X. Cazeneuve coords., Els gremis de Barcelona (Barcelona, 2018), 141–54; J. Oliveras, Desenvolupament industrial i evolució urbana de Manresa, 1800–1870 (Manresa, 1985), 43; A. Muset, Una empresa sedera manresana el segle XVIII: Ignasi Parera i Cia. de Manresa (Manresa, 2002), 90; Ll. Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia de la industrialització. De la seda al cotó a la Catalunya central (segles XVIII–XIX) (Barcelona, 2011), 56–92.

18 R. Franch Benavent, ‘La seda en la Valencia moderna: de la expansión productiva y manufacturera del siglo XVI al periodo de esplendor del siglo XVIII’, in Franch and Navarro, Las rutas, 149–50.

19 Molas, Los gremios, 426–7, 500, 511.

20 Solà Parera, ‘La seda en Cataluña’, 315–7.

21 Molas, Los gremios, 425–52, 453–88, 489–90 and 511–8.

22 By 1760, there were over eighty calico factories of all sizes. Thomson, Els orígens, 183–96.

23 Molas, Los gremios, 454, 532; Thomson, Els orígens, 222.

24 Molas, Los gremios, 76, 334.

25 A. García Espuche, Un siglo decisivo. Barcelona y Cataluña, 1550–1640 (Madrid, 1998), 184–91.

26 J. Sarret Arbós, Historia de la industria, del comerç i dels gremis de Manresa (Manresa, 1923).

27 Muset, Una empresa, 57–79. A. Agramunt, ‘El fin de un gremio: el caso de los sederos de Tortosa en el siglo XVIII’, in A. Solà Parera ed., Artesanos, gremios y género en el sur de Europa (siglos XVI–XIX) (Barcelona, 2018), 160–1, 164–7.

28 Molas, Los gremios, 466–8.

29 Ibid., 255–6, 468, 467.

30 I. Hernández Sala, La indústria de la seda en Manresa en la segona meitat del segle XVIII (Manresa, 1981), 9.

31 L. Ferrer-Alòs, Els orígens de la industrialització a la Catalunya Central (Barcelona, 1986), 15.

32 This information is taken from the notarial documents kept in the Barcelona and Manresa archives: Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona (AHPB) and Arxiu Comarcal del Bages. Fons notarial (ACB. FN.). We have used all the apprenticeship contracts and the masters’ certificates (cartas de maestría) signed before a notary for Barcelona. For Manresa, we have used a sample of one-third of available contracts and certificates, over a longer period.

33 M. Renom Pulit and A. Solà Parera, ‘The autonomous silk artisan women of Barcelona: filempueres and tafetaneres in the Seventeenth Century’, (ESSHC, Vienna, 2014). Various authors have described the expulsion of women from the guilds or the persecution of independent female labour at times of economic crisis. For the well-known example of sixteenth-century Lyons, see Natalie Zemon Davis, ‘Women in the crafts in Sixteenth-Century Lyons’, Feminist Studies 8, 1 (1982), 46–80.

34 Three silk weavers protested against the cord making guild because ‘since before the royal ordinances granted to the Guild of Cord Makers [the silk weavers] have been left unmolested to benefit from having women employed in handling cords, manufacturing them with shuttle, loom and treadles ( … ) it being permitted for women to undertake any operation using instruments other than those used by the guild’ (ACB. Curia de Manresa, 27-VIII-1770).

35 Almanak Mercantil o Guia del comerciante para el año 1797 (Madrid), 472.

36 Y. Yamamichi and A. Solà Parera, ‘Hijas, esposas y viudas …  Las aportaciones de las mujeres de los sederos al negocio familiar, Barcelona 1770–1817’, in J. Amelang et al. eds., Palacios, plazas y patíbulos. La sociedad moderna entre el cambio y las resistencias (Valencia, 2018), 165–77. Y. Yamamichi, ‘Transmisión del oficio y familia en el mundo gremial. Los sederos de Barcelona, 1770–1817’, Estudis Històrics i Documents dels Arxius de Protocols XXXI (2014), 334–9.

37 Molas, Los gremios, 469–71, 475, 480–2; Thomson, Els orígens, 262–3.

38 The initial capital came from the family assets, previous accumulation of capital, the dowries of the wives and the mobilisation of various family assets. In 1749, Jaume Vives made ‘a profit and loss company to take a batch of 72 dozen handkerchiefs to France by horse’. Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia, 84. For further examples, see Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia, 77–82.

39 According to the balance sheet of 1803, at a time of difficulties, Pablo Sagristá & C° had a share capital of 61,405 libras, of which 39,057 were ‘in exchange’ contributed by 12 individuals, 63.6% of the total (ACB. FN. F. Raurés 1801–1804, fols. 340–9).

40 The accounts of Ignasi Parera & C° reflect this problem. Each year 50% of the working capital was recovered and re-invested. In 1790, when the agricultural crisis began in Spain, only 36% was recovered and the company began to experience serious problems of liquidity. Muset, Una empresa, 86–7.

41 The company succeeded in amassing assets valued at 650,000 Catalan libras which, with the crisis, were reduced to 450,000 libras at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia, 68.

42 Hernández Sala, La indústria, 31; Muset, Una empresa, 76–7, 146–7; Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia, 64–79. Solà Parera, ‘La seda en Cataluña’, 318–9.

43 Solà Parera, ‘La seda en Cataluña’, 319. About silk handkerchiefs sold in Dunkerque, see Valls, La Catalunya atlàntica, 217.

44 Those were Pablo Sagristá & C°, Pablo Miralda, Gabriel Badia & C° and Agustí Asols & C°. See Hernández Sala, La industria, 34–5; A. de Laborde, Viatge pintoresc i històric, Volume. 1. El Principat (Barcelona, 1974), 46.

45 À. Solà Parera and Y. Yamamichi, ‘Del aprendizaje a la maestría. El caso del gremio de velers de Barcelona, 1770–1834’, Áreas. Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 34 (2015), 77–91.

46 Molas, Los gremios, 465; Valls, La Catalunya atlàntica, 283–5.

47 For these figures, see A. Solà Parera, Y. Yamamichi and L. Virós, ‘Inmigración y producción sedera en Barcelona, 1770–1834’. Paper read at the ‘XI Congreso de la Asociación Española de Demografía Histórica’, 2016.

48 Ibid, as the figures for both Barcelona and Manresa are in this paper.

49 Pablo Sagristá & C° went bankrupt in 1799; see Muset, Una empresa, 188, note 141 and Ferrer-Alòs, Sociologia, 67–71. This was also the case of Ignasi Parera & C°; see Delgado, ‘El impacto’, 161. Asols & C° was wound up with losses in 1823; see Ferrer-Alòs, Sociologia, 72–3.

50 There are no data on the possible reduction of silk thread production, but there are some indications. Martínez Santos, Cara y cruz, 180, footnote 165.

51 Ibid., 163.

52 Ibid., 163–70.

53 See Oliveras, Desenvolupament industrial, 43 and the description in the town council minutes of 1842 ACB. Actas. Ajuntament de Manresa, 2/04/1842.

54 See note 29.

55 Hernández, La indústria, 9.

56 Sánchez and Valls-Junyent, ‘El mercado’, 78–81.

57 Calculation made by Pedro Serra Bosch, Prontuario de la mayor parte de los caminos y veredas del Principado de Cataluña (Vic, 1809), quoted by Oliveras, Desenvolupament industrial, 53, footnote 34.

58 Thomson, ‘Consideraciones’, 125.

59 This is the case of the factory built by Pablo Miralda & C° or the Herp factory on the Llobregat river. Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia; Solà Parera, Aigua, 136, 120.

60 Solà Parera, Yamamichi and Virós, ‘Inmigración y producción sedera’.

61 R. Vila Despujol, Una família burgesa manresana en la Catalunya del segle XIX. Els germans Serra-Farreras (1797–1877) (Manresa, 1988), 25, 27, 29.

62 A. Solà Parera, ‘Claudio Arañó (1827–1910)’, in F. Cabana coord., Cien empresarios catalanes (Madrid, 2006), 136–7.

63 A. Solà Parera, ‘Els Herp de Manresa. Una saga de negociants i fabricants en els orígens de la Catalunya industrial (1800–1859)’, Estudis Històrics i Documents dels Arxius de Protocols XII (2004), 251–312. Joan Bta. Vilaseca moved first to Vilanova and to Barcelona in 1834, Joan Ignasi Sagristà to Valencia in 1814, Francesc Sagristà Font married in 1823 in Barcelona, Maurici Pla Fábregas and Joan Jaumandreu Torra lived in Barcelona in 1844. Solà Parera, Aigua, 83; Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia, 301–7.

64 AHPB. A. Ubach 1823, I, fol. 98; F. Moragas, 1833.

65 AHPB. F. Ferran 1854, II, fol. 307.

66 J. Benet and C. Martí, Barcelona a mitjan segle XIX: el moviment obrer durant el Bienni Progressista (1854–1856) (Barcelona, 1976), 187, footnote 32. The Bienio Progresista is the historical period from July 1854 to July 1856 when the Progresista (Progressive) Party ruled in Spain and a strong labour movement appeared.

67 Garcia Balañà, La fabricació de la fàbrica, 257; Solà Parera, Aigua, 209–10.

68 Albert Sala Basany, first in Manlleu and then in Olot; his brothers Isidro in Mataró, Francisco in Barcelona and Josep in Girona (Solà Parera, Aigua, 209–10).

69 The Carlist War (1833–1840) was essentially a civil war between those seeking a return to an absolutist monarchy and those who sought to defend the liberal regime. Manresa was very active in this war.

70 Manuscript in the private archive of the Cornet family, Manresa.

71 L. Ferrer-Alós, ‘Genealogia de la família Soler i March. Aspectes socio-econòmics’, Miscelṣlània d'Estudis Bagencs 2 (1982), 31–52, 45. See other important examples of real estate accumulation in A. Solà, R. Vila and L. Virós, ‘Guerra del Francès i noves èlits locals. El cas de Manresa (1808–1820)’, in Segon Congrés Recerques. Enfrontaments civils: postguerres i reconstruccions (Lleida, 2002), 382–404; Vila Despujol, Una família, 83–5; P. Martínez Ascaso, Els inicis del catalanisme polític i Leonci Soler i March (1858–1932) (Barcelona, 1999); Solà Parera, Aigua, 84–6; L. Ferrer-Alós, ‘Familia e industrialización en Catalunya. El caso de la familia Pons y Enrich’, Historia Social 53 (2005), 3–29.

72 The cases of Josep Jaumandreu, a ribbon maker, Cristobal Torra, a silk dyer (ACB. C. Mas 1810, fol. 522), Pere Portabella and his sons (ACB. C. Mas 1822, fol. 197), Nicolau Vallés and Pere Fortuny (ACB. C. Mas 1847, fol. 644), or the Pons Enrich family in Ferrer-Alós, ‘Familia e industrialización’, 3–20.

73 Of the 19 manufacturers of ribbons who had more than ten looms in 1855 in Manresa, between 13 and 15 were cotton makers in the following years (Cayetano Cornet Mas, Guía del viajero en Manresa y Cardona. Descripción de todo lo notable en ambas poblaciones (Barcelona, 1860), 226–7. Ferrer-Alós, Sociologia; L. Ferrer-Alòs, ‘Bergadanas, continuas y mules. Tres geografías de la hilatura del algodón en Cataluña (1790–1830)’, Revista de Historia Económica XXII (2004), 337–86.

74 L. Ferrer-Alós, ‘La cintería en Manresa en el siglo XIX. Industrialización y pequeña empresa’, in J. Nadal and J. Catalán eds., La cara oculta de la industrialización española. La modernización de los sectores no líderes (s. XIX–XX) (Madrid, 1994), 225–67.

75 Ninety-nine silk weavers registered with the guild and another seven did so in the following year. ACB. FN. F. Rallat 1828, fols. 199–201 and 1829, fol. 169.

76 ACB. C. Mas 1839, fol. 339. The contributions from the mid-nineteenth century do not mention any modern silk factory in Manresa.

77 ACB. Gremis 5, Velers 10, Llig. 380.

78 A. Solà Parera, ‘Del règim liberal al sistema liberal: llibreters, impressors i velers de Barcelona, 1760–1854’ in P. Molas and M. Cazeneuve coords., Els gremis de Barcelona (Barcelona, 2018), 149.

79 Solà Parera and Yamamichi, ‘Del aprendizaje a la maestría’, 84–5.

80 Solà Parera, ‘Del règim liberal’, 141–54.

81 In 1844, Salvador Casas and Constantino Nadal, ‘silk weaving journeymen’ from Barcelona, set up an establishment with six looms with Jacquard machinery to weave silk on their own account or on order (AHPB. B. Lafont, 1239/15, 1844, fol. 103).

82 Ramon Mestres, Salvador Coch and Jaime Travessa began to weave these goods at the end of the century. In 1806, Francisco Pla made gauzes with broad strips of satin in several colours. Molas, Los gremios, 466.

83 Molas, Los gremios, 431.

84 Parera, A. Solà, ‘De la traverse de la Manche à la Catalogne: itineraires de la dentelle mecanique’ in La traversée France-Angleterre du Moyen Age à nos jours (Arras, 2004), 8999.

85 Ibid.

86 In 1837, Menard built a factory to spin silk in Rubí. Parera, A. Solà, ‘Sobre fàbriques, fabricants i socis. Puntualitzacions a partir del cas de la industrialització de Rubí’, Arraona 9 (1991), 5165. In 1841, Francisco Corominas set up a silk factory in Manlleu. The factories of Joan Escuder and the company Dotres, Clavé and Fabra from Barcelona, already had a steam machine in 1841.

87 Solà Parera, ‘La indústria sedera’, 266.

88 Solà Parera, ‘De la traverse’.

89 Nadal, J. and de Motes, J. Maluquer, Catalunya, la fàbrica d'Espanya: un segle d'industrialització catalana (1833–1936) (Barcelona, 1977), 89.

90 Parera, A. Solà, ‘Apprentices, women and masters in. the silk weavers’ guild of Barcelona, 1790–1840’, Mélanges de l’École Française de Roma 128–1 (2016), 4.

91 Cerdá, I., ‘Monografía estadística de la clase obrera de Barcelona en 1856’, in Cerdá, I., Teoría general de la urbanización y aplicación de sus principales doctrinas a las reformas y ensanche de Barcelona (Madrid, 1867), Vol. 2, 555–74. Borderías, C. and Guallar, P. López, La teoría del salario obrero y la subestimación del trabajo femenino en Ildefonso Cerdá (Barcelona, 2001), 5864.

This research has been carried out within the project HAR2017-84030-P, Mundos del trabajo en transición (1750–1930): cualificación, movilidad y desigualdades. The authors would like to thank the three anonymous referees and the editors for their remarks and suggestions.

Silk textiles, crisis and adaptative strategies in Catalonia, 1770–1850s (Barcelona and Manresa)

  • Àngels Solà Parera (a1), Llorenç Ferrer-Alós (a1), Lluís Virós Pujolà (a2) and Yoshiko Yamamichi (a3)

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