¹ References include, on the Middle East: Barak, On and Ram, Haggai, eds., Special Issue in Journal of Levantine Studies, 10, 1 (2020)Google Scholar; on Eastern Europe: Badalassi, Nicolas and Hamouda, Houda Ben, eds., ‘Les pays d'Europe orientale et la Méditerranée. Relations et regards croisés 1967–1989’, Les Cahiers Irice, 10, 1 (2013)Google Scholar; Gradvohl, Paul and Marès, Antoine, eds., ‘L'Europe médiane, carrefours et connexions’, Monde(s): histoire, espaces, relations, 14 (2018)Google Scholar, esp. regarding internal colonial borderland and contact with Islam; Aust, Martin and Obertreis, Julia, eds., Osteuropäische Geschichte und Globalgeschichte (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2014)Google Scholar, though principally on Russia; Marung, Steffi and Naumann, Katja, eds., Vergessene Vielfalt: Territorialität und Internationalisierung in Ostmitteleuropa seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mark, James and Slobodian, Quinn, ‘Eastern Europe’, in Martin Thomas, ed., Oxford Handbook on the Ends of Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018)Google Scholar. On Southeastern Europe: Wachtel, Andrew, The Balkans in World History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Calic, Marie-Janine, Südosteuropa. Weltgeschichte einer Region (München: Beck, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The inter-imperial and comparative empire literature is growing, too: Khoury, Dina and Kennedy, Dane, ‘Comparing Empires: The Ottoman Domains and the British Raj in the Long Nineteenth Century’, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 27, 2 (2007), 233–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gammerl, Benno, ‘Der Vergleich von Reich zu Reich: Überlegungen zum Imperienvergleich anhand des britisch-habsburgischen Beispiels’, in Agnes Arndt, J.C. Häberlen and Christiane Reinecke, eds., Vergleichen, verflechten, verwirren? Europäische Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Theorie und Praxis (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011)Google Scholar; Mikhail, Alan and Philliou, Christine E., ‘The Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Turn’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 54, 4 (2012), 721–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, Aleksei, ‘The Values and the Limits of a Comparative Approach to the History of Contiguous Empires on the European Periphery’, in Kimitaka Matsuzato, ed., Imperiology: From Empirical Knowledge to Discussing the Russian Empire (Hokkaido: Slavic Research Center, 2007)Google Scholar; Miller, Alexei and Berger, Stefan, eds., Nationalizing Empires (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Hirschhausen, Ulrike von and Leonhard, Jörn, eds., Comparing Empires. Encounters and Transfers in the Long Nineteenth Century (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011)Google Scholar.

² Stefan Rohdewald, ‘Zugänge der Neuen Kulturgeschichte zu Verflechtungen zwischen Ost und West in Europa’, in Daniela Wawra, ed., European Studies. Interkulturelle Kommunikation und Kulturvergleich (Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2013), 109–125; Matthias Middell, ‘Spatializing Transnational History: European Spaces and Territories’, European Review of History, 25, 3–4 (2018), 553–567. On the Cold War: György Péteri, ed., Nylon Curtain: Transnational and Transsystemic Tendencies in the Cultural Life of State-Socialist Russia and East-Central Europe (Trondheim, 2006); Sophie Coeuré and Sabine Dullin, eds., Frontières du communisme: mythologies et réalités de la division de l'Europe de la Révolution d'octobre au mur de Berlin (Paris: La Découverte, 2007); Autio-Sarasmo, Sari and Miklóssy, Katalin, eds., Reassessing Cold War Europe (New York: Routledge, 2011)Google Scholar; Angela Romano and Federico Romero, eds., European Socialist Regimes’ Fateful Engagement with the West: National Strategies in the Long 1970s (London: Routledge, 2020); Simo Mikkonen and Pia Koivunen, ‘Introduction’, in Simo Mikkonen and Pia Koivunen, eds., Beyond the Divide: Entangled Histories of Cold War Europe (New York: Berghahn, 2015), 1–21; Kott, Sandrine, ‘Par-delà la guerre froide: Les organisations internationales et les circulations Est-Ouest (1947–1973)’, Vingtième Siècle, 109, 1 (2011), 143–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Carl Brown, ed., Imperial Legacy. The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Anscombe, Frederick, State, Faith, and Nation in Ottoman and Post-Ottoman Lands (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), esp. 149–80, 197–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Karl Kaser, Balkan und Naher Osten: Einführung in eine gemeinsame Geschichte (Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2011), esp. 360–73; Eyal Ginio and Karl Kaser, eds., Ottoman Legacies in the Contemporary Mediterranean: The Balkans and the Middle East Compared (Jerusalem: The European Forum at the Hebrew University, 2013); Roshwald, Aviel, Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–23 (London: Taylor & Francis, 2001), esp. 207–15Google Scholar; Yılmaz, Şuhnaz and Yosmaoğlu, İpek, ‘Fighting the Spectres of the Past: Dilemmas of Ottoman Legacy in the Balkans and the Middle East’, Middle Eastern Studies, 44, 5 (2007), 677–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bernhard Lory, ‘Ottoman Legacy in the Balkans’, in Diana Mishkova and Roumen Daskalov, eds., Entangled Histories of the Balkans – Volume Three (Leiden: Brill, 2014); Isa Blumi, Reinstating the Ottomans: Alternative Balkan Modernities, 1800–1912 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), esp. 23–4, 59; Einar Wigen, ‘Post-Ottoman Studies: An Area Studies that Never Was’, in Éva Csató, ed., Building Bridges to Turkish: Essays in Honour of Bernt Brendemoen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2019).

⁴ Goffman, Daniel, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 232CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Faroqhi, Suraiya, The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004)Google Scholar; Greene, Molly, A Shared World. Christians and Muslims in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stefan Rohdewald, Stephan Conermann and Albrecht Fuess, eds., Transottomanica - Osteuropäisch-osmanisch-persische Mobilitätsdynamiken. Perspektiven und Forschungsstand (Göttingen: V&R Unipress, 2019).

⁵ Mazower, Mark, The Balkans. A Short History (London: Phoenix, 2001), 15Google Scholar. Other seminal texts include Andreas Helmedach et al., eds., Das osmanische Europa: Methoden und Perspektiven der Frühneuzeitforschung zu Südosteuropa (Leipzig: Eudora, 2014); Cemal Kafadar, ‘The Ottomans and Europe’, in Thomas A. Brady, Heiko A. Oberman and James D. Tracy, eds., Handbook of European History 1400–1600. Late Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation, Vol. 1: Structures and Assertions (Leiden: Brill, 1994); Heinz Kramer and Maurus Reinkowski, Die Türkei und Europa. Eine wechselhafte Beziehungsgeschichte (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 2008); Markus Koller, ‘Europa und das Osmanische Reich/Europe and the Ottoman Empire’, in Pietro Rossi, ed., The Boundaries of Europe. From the Fall of the Ancient World to the Age of Decolonisation (Berlin: De Gruyter Akademie, 2015); Kühnel, Florian, ‘Westeuropa und das Osmanische Reich in der Frühen Neuzeit. Ansätze und Perspektiven aktueller Forschungen’, Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung, 42, 2(2015), 251–283CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Italo Michele Battafarano, ‘Zwischen dem Kaiserreich und der Osmanischen Pforte’, in Franz Fuchs, ed., Osmanische Expansion und europäischer Humanismus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005).

⁷ Ussama Makdisi, Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007).

⁸ Paul Gradvohl and Antoine Marès, ‘Enjeux historiques de l'approche de l'Europe médiane’, Monde(s): Histoire, Espaces, Relations, 14 (2018), 7–30. See also e.g. Balás Trencsényi and Márton Zászkaliczky, eds., Whose Love of Which Country? Composite States, National Histories and Patriotic Discourses in Early Modern East Central Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2010).

⁹ Stefan Rohdewald, ‘bu sulh u salah mukarrer ve mü’ebbed’/‘Pax perpetua’. ‘Polnisch-litauische Friedensformeln und Allianzen mit Osmanen und Krimtataren bis 1790’, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung, 65, 2 (2016), 167–92. Conference report on ‘Contact Zones in Turkish-Polish Relations’ (05 June 2015), http://www.hsozkult.de/conferencereport/id/tagungsberichte-5510; Dirk Uffelmann, ‘Importierte Dinge und imaginierte Identität. Osmanische ‘Sarmatica im Polen der Aufklärung’, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung, 65, 2 (2016), 193–214.

¹⁰ Victor Taki, Tsar and Sultan: Russian Encounters with the Ottoman Empire (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2016). Comparative: Dominic Lieven, Empire: The Russian Empire and Its Rivals (London: John Murray, 2000).

¹¹ Marlene Kurz et al., eds., Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie (Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2005); Norbert Spannenberger and Szabolcs Varga, eds., Ein Raum im Wandel. Die osmanisch-habsburgische Grenzregion vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2014); Arno Strohmeyer and Norbert Spannenberger, eds., Frieden und Konfliktmanagement in interkulturellen Räumen (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2013).

¹² Étienne Copeaux, ‘De la mer Noire à la mer Baltique: la circulation des idées dans le “triangle” Istanbul-Crimée-Pologne’, Cahiers d’études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien, 15 (1993), 111.

¹³ Zaur Gasimov, ‘Modernisierer und Mittler im polnisch-türkischen intellektuellen Nexus’, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung, 65 (2016), 241–65; Paulina Dominik, ‘A Young Turk from Lehistan. Tadeusz Gasztowt aka Seyfeddin Bey (1881–1936) and his Activities During the Second Constitutional Period’, Occasional Papers in Ottoman Biographies 2 (2014), 1–20.

¹⁴ Leyla Amzi-Erdogdular, ‘Alternative Muslim Modernities: Bosnian Intellectuals in the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 59, 4 (2017), 912–43.

¹⁵ Lale Can, ‘The Protection Question: Central Asians and Extraterritoriality in the Late Ottoman Empire’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 48 (2016), 679–99. For the early twentieth century, see Adeeb Khalid, ‘Central Asia between the Ottoman and the Soviet Worlds’, Kritika, 12, 2 (2011), 451–76. On Islam in Russia in general, see Robert D. Crews, For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006) and a more recent interpretation, Mustafa Tuna, Imperial Russia's Muslims: Islam, Empire and European Modernity, 1788–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

¹⁶ James H. Meyer, Turks across Empires: Marketing Muslim Identity in the Russian-Ottoman Borderlands, 1856–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

¹⁷ Vladimir Hamed-Troyanski, ‘Imperial Refuge: Resettlement of Muslims from Russia in the Ottoman Empire, 1860–1914’ (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2018).

¹⁸ Denis Vovchenko, Containing Balkan Nationalism: Imperial Russia and Ottoman Christians, 1856–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016). More broadly: Lucien J. Frary and Mara Kozelsky, eds., Russian-Ottoman Borderlands. The Eastern Question Reconsidered (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2014). See also Taki, Tsar and Sultan; Lieven, The Russian Empire.

¹⁹ Note that the current meaning of ‘minority’, a group whose most often ethnic or religious particularity has political consequences for ‘its’ nation-state, crystallised following the First World War. Benjamin White, The Emergence of Minorities in the Middle East: The Politics of Community in French Mandate Syria (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), 21–3.

²⁰ Justin McCarthy, Death and Exile. The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims, 1821–1922 (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1995).

²¹ Ussama Makdisi, The Age of Coexistence. The Ecumenical Frame and the Making of the Modern Arab World (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019).

²² Antonio Ferrara and Niccolò Pianciola, ‘The Dark Side of Connectedness: Forced Migrations and Mass Violence between the Late Tsarist and Ottoman Empires (1853–1920)’, Historical Research, 92, 257 (2019), 608–31; M. Hakan Yavuz and Hakan Erdagoz, ‘The Tragedy of the Ottomans: Muslims in the Balkans and Armenians in Anatolia’, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 39, 3 (2019), 273–81; Erik-Jan Zürcher, ‘Macedonians in Anatolia: The Importance of the Macedonian Roots of the Unionists for their Policies in Anatolia after 1914’, Middle Eastern Studies 50, 6 (2014), 960–75. Thus, Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg, eds., The Holocaust and the Nakba. A New Grammar of Trauma and History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018) diagnoses two foundational traumas shaping two interconnected nations.

²³ Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz, Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013); Julia Eichenberg and John Paul Newman, ‘Introduction: Aftershocks: Violence in Dissolving Empires after the First World War’, Contemporary European History, 19, 3 (2010), 183–94; Robert Gerwarth and Uğur Ümit Üngör, ‘The Collapse of the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires and the Brutalization of the Successor States’, Journal of Modern European History, 13, 2 (2015), 226–48; Robert Gerwarth and Erez Manela, eds., Empires at War, 1911–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); Mark von Hagen and Karen Barkley, eds., After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-building: The Soviet Union and the Russian, Ottoman, and Habsburg Empires (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997). Focused on Eastern Europe: Tim Buchen and Frank Grelka, eds., Akteure der Neuordnung. Ostmitteleuropa und das Erbe der Imperien, 1917–1924 (Berlin: Epubli, 2016).

²⁴ The Western European professor in the commission failed to notice that the First World War on the western front was not less savage than the Balkan war: Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 3–6.

²⁵ Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).

²⁶ Gradvohl and Marès, ‘Enjeux’, 17; Mazower, Balkans, 58.

²⁷ France was a republic in 1792–1804 and 1848–51 and from 1870; Sweden/Finland was a monarchy, too.

²⁸ Hans-Jürgen Bömelburg, Stefan Rohdewald and Dirk Uffelmann, ‘Einleitung: Polnisch-osmanische Verflechtungen in Kommunikation, materieller Kultur, Literatur und Wissenschaft’, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung, 65, 2 (2016), 161n10.

²⁹ Habsburg Empire: Tara Zahra, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900–1948 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); Gary Cohen, The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914 (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 1981).

³⁰ John Deak, ‘Habsburg Studies within Central European History: The State of the Field’, Central European History 51 (2018), 54. A case: Dominique Kirchner Reill, Nationalists Who Feared the Nation: Adriatic Multi-nationalism in Habsburg Dalmatia, Trieste, and Venice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).

³¹ Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller European Nations (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Miroslav Hroch, Das Europa der Nationen: die moderne Nationsbildung im europäischen Vergleich (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005).

³² Feroz Ahmad, ‘Ottoman Perceptions of the Capitulations 1800–1914’, Journal of Islamic Studies, 11, 1 (2000), 1–20; Turan Kayaoğlu, Legal Imperialism: Sovereignty and Extraterritoriality in Japan, the Ottoman Empire, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Umut Özsu, ‘The Ottoman Empire and the Abode of Islam’, in Bardo Fassbender and Anne Peters, eds., The Oxford Handbook of the History of International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).

³³ Miller and Berger, Nationalizing Empires; Ulrike von Hirschausen and Jörn Leonhard, eds., Empires und Nationalstaaten: im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2009). See also Ulrike von Hirschhausen and Jörn Leonhard, eds., Comparing Empires. Encounters and Transfers in the Long Nineteenth Century (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011). For inter-imperial mimesis more generally, see Jeremy Adelman, ‘Mimesis and Rivalry: European Empires and Global Regimes’, Journal of Global History, 10 (2015), 77–98.

³⁴ Khoury and Kennedy, ‘Comparing Empires’; Gammerl, ‘Vergleich von Reich zu Reich’. More generally: Virginia H. Aksan, ‘Locating the Ottomans among Early Modern Empires’, Journal of Early Modern History, 3 (1999), 103–34; Mikhail and Philliou, ‘Imperial Turn’.

³⁵ Copeaux, ‘Mer’; also Arkadiusz Blaszczyk, ‘Von duchi´nszczyzna bis zur Sonnensprachtheorie. Über die Verflechtungen zwischen polnischem Anti-Russismus und türkischem Nationalismus’, Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung, 65, 2 (2016), 215–40.

³⁶ See also Magdalena Wrobel Bloom, Social Networks and the Jewish Migration between Poland and Palestine, 1924–1928 (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2016).

³⁷ Hugh Poulton, ‘The Muslim Experience in the Balkan States, 1919–1991’, Nationalities Papers, 28, 1 (2000), 45–66. Migration: Kemal Kirişci, ‘Post Second World War Immigration from the Balkan Countries to Turkey (Excerpts)’, Turkish Review of Balkan Studies 2 (1994), 175–80; Hikmet Öksüz and Ülkü Köksal, ‘Emigration from Yugoslavia to Turkey (1923–1960)’, Turkish Review of Balkan Studies 9 (2004), 145–77; Ayşe Parla, ‘“For Us, Migration is Ordinary”: Post-1989 Labour Migration from Bulgaria to Turkey’, in Hans Vermeulen, Martin Baldwin-Edwards and Riki van Boeschoten, eds., Migration in the Southern Balkans: From Ottoman Territory to Globalized Nation States (Cham: Springer International, 2015).

³⁸ Nathalie Clayer, Fabio Giomi and Emmanuel Szurek, ‘Introduction’, in Nathalie Clayer, Fabio Giomi and Emmanuel Szurek, eds., Kemalism: Transnational Politics in the Post-Ottoman World (London: Tauris, 2019), 5. See also Dženghis Hakov, ‘Les relations bulgaro-turques à la lumière de l'influence kémaliste parmi les Turcs bulgares pendant les années vingt et trente’, Études Balkaniques, 33, 3–4 (1997), 25–32; Anđelko Vlašić, ‘Modern Women in a Modern State: Public Discourse in Interwar Yugoslavia on the Status of Women in Turkey’, Aspasia, 12 (2018), 68–90.

³⁹ General: Frithjof Benjamin Schenk, ‘Mental Maps. Die Konstruktion von geographischen Räumen in Europa seit der Aufklärung’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 28, 3 (2002), 493–514; Huseyin Yilmaz, ‘The Eastern Question and the Ottoman Empire: The Genesis of the Near and Middle East in the Nineteenth Century’, in Michael Bonine, Abbas Amanat and Michael Ezekiel Gasper, eds., Is There a Middle East? The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012), 11–35.

⁴⁰ Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979); Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe. The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994).

⁴¹ For Eastern Europe see Tomasz Zarycki, Ideologie of Eastness in Central and Eastern Europe (New York: Routledge, 2014).

⁴² Certainly western Russia – though more rarely Russia to the east of the Urals – was both in Western European eyes and often in its own people's eyes a bridge between Europe and Asia, too. Mark Bassin, Sergey Glebov and Marlene Laruelle, eds., Between Europe and Asia: The Origins, Theories, and Legacies of Russian Eurasianism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015). See, relatedly, particularities of Russian Orientalism: Vera Tolz, Russia's Own Orient: The Politics of Identity and Oriental Studies in the Late Imperial and Early Soviet Periods (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). Also, see this fascinating exchange: Adeeb Khalid, ‘Russian History and the Debate over Orientalism’, Nathaniel Knight, ‘On Russian Orientalism: A Response to Adeeb Khalid’, and Maria Todorova, ‘Does Russian Orientalism Have a Russian Soul? A Contribution to the Debate’, all in Kritika, 1, 4 (2000), 691–700, 701–15, and 717–27. See also Masha Kirasirova, ‘The “East” as a Category of Bolshevik Ideology and Comintern Administration: The Arab Section of the Communist University of the Toilers of the East’, Kritika, 18, 1 (2017), 7–34.

⁴³ Quote: Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, vii, 16; Milica Bakić-Hayden, ‘Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia’, Slavic Review, 54, 4 (1995), 917–31.

⁴⁴ First as: Henri Pirenne, ‘Mahomet et Charlemagne’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 1, 1 (1922), 77–86.

⁴⁵ Greene, World; Christophe Picard, La mer des califes. Une histoire de la Méditerranée musulmane (VIIe–XIIe siècle) (Paris: Seuil, 2015).

⁴⁶ Michele Alacevich, ‘Planning Peace: The European Roots of the Post-War Global Development Challenge’, Past & Present, 239, 1 (2018), 219–64 and Véronique Plata-Stenger, Social Reform, Modernization and Technical Diplomacy. The ILO Contribution to Development (1930–1946) (Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, 2020).

⁴⁷ Paul N. Rosenstein-Rodan, ‘The International Development of Economically Backward Areas’, International Affairs, 20, 2 (1944), 157–65, here 159. Also see his interview for the Oral World Bank History Project https://oralhistory.worldbank.org/transcripts/transcript-oral-history-interview-paul-rosenstein-rodan-held-august-14-1961 (accessed 11 Dec. 2020.)

⁴⁸ Some talk of a laboratory: Ntina Tzouvala, ‘“These Ancient Arenas of Racial Struggles”: International Law and the Balkans, 1878–1949’, European Journal of International Law, 29, 4 (2018), 1149; Umut Özsu and Thomas Skouteris, ‘International Legal Histories of the Ottoman Empire’, Journal of the History of International Law, 18, 1 (2016), 1. Sovereignty: Hent Kalmo and Quentin Skinner, ‘Introduction’, in Hent Kalmo and Quentin Skinner, eds., Sovereignty in Fragments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 1–25; Antony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations. The Rise and Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

⁴⁹ Jacob Hurewitz, The Middle East and North Africa in World Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), vol. 2, 180.

⁵⁰ Umut Özsu, Formalizing Displacement: International Law and Population Transfers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 26; Kayaoğlu, Legal Imperialism, 109–13.

⁵¹ Edda Binder-Iijima and Ekkehard Kraft, ‘The Making of States’, in Wim van Meurs and Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, eds., Ottomans into Europeans: State and Institution-building in South Eastern Europe (London: Hurst, 2010), 6.

⁵² Also Carole Fink, Defending the Rights of Others: The Great Powers, the Jews, and International Minority Protection, 1878–1938 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

⁵³ For prewar Greece, including Orthodox ecclesiastical issues, see Sotirios Roussos, ‘Greece and the Arab Middle East’ (PhD dissertation, SOAS, 1994).

⁵⁴ Matitiahu Mayzel, ‘Israeli Intelligence and the Leakage of Khrushchev's “Secret Speech”’, Journal of Israeli History, 32, 2 (2013), 257–83, exemplifying a historic case of a Jewish-Mossad tie (while questioning its full significance); Csaba Békés and Dániel Vékony, ‘Unfulfilled Promised Lands: Missed Potentials in Relations between Hungary and the Countries of the Middle East, 1955–75’, in Philip E. Muehlenbeck and Natalia Telepneva, eds., Warsaw Pact Intervention in the Third World: Aid and Influence in the Cold War (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2018), 280; Mateja Režek, ‘Jugoslavija in nastanek Izraela: delitev Palestine in ilegalno preseljevanje Judov, 1945–1948’ [Yugoslavia and the Establishment of Israel: Partition of Palestine and Jewish Migration, 1945–1948], Acta Histriae, 21, 3 (2013), 361–76; Jeremy Sharon, ‘Breslov Seeking 6,000 Pilgrims for Uman’, The Jerusalem Post, 07 Sept. 2020. https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/breslov-seeking-6000-pilgrims-for-uman-641307 (accessed 11 Dec. 2020.) See also Mateja Režek, ‘Jugoslovansko-izraelsko tajno sodelovanje v senci prve arabsko-izraelske vojne in spora z Informbirojem, 1948−1953’ [Yugoslav-Israeli Secret Cooperation in the Shadow of the First Arab-Israeli War and the Cominform Conflict, 1948–1953], Acta Histriae, 21, 4 (2013), 825−38, on intelligence cooperation; and Aleksandar Životić, Jugoslavija i Suecka kriza: 1956–1957 (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2008), who shows how Yugoslav Muslims resident in Egypt since before the Second World War played a role in linking the Yugoslav and Egyptian governments by the mid-1950s.

⁵⁵ Tareq Ismael, The Communist Movement in the Arab World (London: Routledge, 2005). Eastern European governments had not been very deeply involved with Palestine or, for that matter, with Arab countries. See e.g. Krisztián Komár, ‘Hungarian-Egyptian Interwar Relations’, Mediterrán Tanulmányok, 12 (2003), 75–83; C. Botoran, ‘Sur l'histoire des relations roumano-égyptiennes entre les deux guerres mondiales (1919–1939)’, Romano-Arabica, 1 (1974), 21−35.

⁵⁶ Orna Almog, ‘Unlikely Relations: Israel, Romania and the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Accord’, Middle Eastern Studies, 52, 6 (2016), 881–96; V. Urum, ‘Sur les relations de la Roumanie avec les pays arabes de l'Afrique du Nord’, Romano-Arabica, 1 (1974), 37–48; Sielke Beata Kelner, ‘Ceausescu e la questione arabo-israeliana: una riflessione sulla politica estera romena’, in Gianvito Galasso, Federico Imperato Rosario Milano and Luciano Monzali, eds., Europa e Medio Oriente (1973–1993) (Bari: Cacucci, 2017), 339–62; Larry Watts, ‘The Third World as Strategic Option: Romanian Relations with Developing States’, in Muehlenbeck and Telepneva, Warsaw Pact, 101, 111; Kai Hafez, ‘Von der nationalen Frage zur Systempolitik: Perioden der DDR-Nahostpolitik, 1949–1989’, Orient, 36, 1 (1995), 77–95; Amélie Regnauld, ‘La RDA en Egypte, 1969–1989’ (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 2015); Steffen Wippel, Die Aussenwirtschaftsbeziehungen der DDR zum Nahen Osten: Einfluss und Abhaengigkeit der DDR und das Verhaeltnis von Aussenwirtschaft zu Aussenpolitik (Berlin: Das Arab. Buch, 1996); Martin Robbe, ‘Die DDR in Nah- und Mittelost’, Asien, Afrika, Lateinamerika, 21, 5 (1994), 551–601; Lutz Maeke, DDR und PLO. Die Palästinapolitik des SED-Staates (München: De Gruyter, 2017); Wolfgang Schwanitz, ed., Berlin-Kairo: damals und heute. Zur Geschichte deutsch-ägyptischer Beziehungen (Berlin: Deutsch-Ägyptische Gesellschaft, 1991); Harald Möller, DDR und Dritte Welt: die Beziehungen der DDR mit Entwicklungsländern - ein neues theoretisches Konzept, dargestellt anhand der Beispiele China und Äthiopien sowie Irak/Iran (Berlin: Köster, 2004); Wolfgang Schwanitz, ‘Wasser, Uran und Paktfreiheit? Zur Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen der DDR und Sudan (1955–1970)’, in Wolfgang Schwanitz, ed., Jenseits der Legenden: Araber, Juden, Deutsche (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1994); Vojislav Pavlović, ‘The Israel-Arab War of 1967: The Watershed in Tito's Foreign Policy’, in Galasso, Milano and Monzali, Europa e Medio Oriente, 363–76; Eduard Gombár, ‘Libya and Czechoslovakia 1960–1992’, Africa, 63, 2 (2008), 359–64; Yosef Govrin, ‘From Deep Freeze to Thaw: Relations between Israel and Czechoslovakia 1967–1990’, Jerusalem Review, 1, 1 (2006), 119−39; Rami Ginat, ‘Origins of the Czech-Egyptian Arms Deal’, in David Tal, ed., The 1956 War: Collusion and Rivalry in the Middle East (London: Frank Cass, 2001), 145–67; Zoltán Prantner, ‘Interest or Value: Hungary and the Middle East between 1955 and 1965’, in László Nagy et al., eds., La crise des empires: Suez-Budapest 1956 (Szeged: Université de Szeged, 2007), 101–9; Békés and Vékony, ‘Unfulfilled Promised Lands’.

⁵⁷ Lorena De Vita, ‘Ulbricht, Nasser and Khrushchev’, in Muehlenbeck and Telepneva, Warsaw Pact, 29, 40. Also Wippel, Außenwirtschaftsbeziehungen.

⁵⁸ Regnauld, ‘La RDA en Egypte‘, 22.

⁵⁹ Artemy M. Kalinovsky, ‘The Soviet Union and Mosaddeq’, Iranian Studies, 47, 3 (2014), 401–18; Vladislav Zubok, ‘Stalin, Soviet Intelligence, and the Struggle for Iran, 1945–53’, Diplomatic History, 44, 1 (2020), 22−46.

⁶⁰ Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Laboratory of Socialist Development: Cold War Politics and Decolonization in Soviet Tajikistan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018); James Pickett, ‘Soviet Civilization Through a Persian Lens: Iranian Intellectuals, Cultural Diplomacy and Socialist Modernity 1941−1955’, Iranian Studies, 48, 5 (2015), 805–26.

⁶¹ Ginat, ‘Origins’.

⁶² Nalbantian, Tsolin, Armenians Beyond Diaspora: Making Lebanon Their Own (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Press, 2019), 126–66Google Scholar.

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⁶⁷ Cigar, Norman, ‘Arab Socialism Revisited: The Yugoslav Roots of its Ideology’, Middle Eastern Studies, 19, 2 (1983), 152–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also Svetozar Rajak, ‘From Regional Role to Global Undertakings: Yugoslavia in the Early Cold War’, in Svetozar Rajak et al., eds., The Balkans in the Cold War (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 65–86. Romania was a NAM observer.

⁶⁸ Regnauld, ‘La RDA en Egypte’, 224–5.

⁶⁹ See also Mark, James and Apor, Péter, ‘Socialism Goes Global: Decolonization and the Making of a New Culture of Internationalism in Socialist Hungary 1956–1989’, Journal of Modern History, 87, 4 (2015), 852–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, somewhat related, the fascinating Marung, Steffi, ‘The Provocation of Empirical Evidence: Soviet African Studies between Enthusiasm and Discomfort’, African Identities, 16, 2 (2018), 176–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Notably, and ‘as Tomasz Zarycki, Vera Tolz, Wolfgang Kissel, Kerstin Jobst, Robert Born and others have argued, the eastern European intelligentsia also created their own Orientalist visions of “Eastness,” often in order to underline supremacies within the region, or, as in the case of Poland, to mark its mission civilisatrice in the East’: Mariusz Kalczewiak, ‘The Eastern Gaze. Eastern European Conceptualizations of the Non-European World’, CfP (31 May 2019) (https://networks.h-net.org/node/15531/discussions/4168256/cfp-eastern-gaze-eastern-european-conceptualizations-non-european). This patterns dates back at least to the 1800s and includes both travel writing and reports by emigres.