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“Population Politics” at the End of Empire: Migration and Sovereignty in Ottoman Eastern Rumelia, 1877–1886

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 September 2013

Anna M. Mirkova
Anna M. Mirkova*
Affiliation:
Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
*
amirkova@odu.edu
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Abstract

This article explores the migrations of Turkish Muslims after the 1878 Peace Treaty of Berlin, which severed much of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire as fully independent nation-states or as nominally dependent polities in the borderlands of the empire. I focus on one such polity—the administratively autonomous Ottoman province of Eastern Rumelia—which, in wrestling to reconcile liberal principles of equality and political representation understood in ethno-religious terms, prompted emigration of Turkish Muslims while enabling Bulgarian Christian hegemony. Scholars have studied Muslim emigration from the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire gradually lost hold of the region, emphasizing deleterious effects of nationalism and aggressive state-building in the region. Here I look at migration at empire's end, and more specifically at the management of migration as constitutive of sovereignty. The Ottoman government asserted its suzerainty by claiming to protect the rights of Eastern Rumelia's Muslims. The Bulgarian dominated administration of Eastern Rumelia claimed not only administrative but also political autonomy by trying to contain the grievances of Turkish Muslims as a domestic issue abused by ill-meaning outsiders, all the while insisting that the province protected the rights of all subjects. Ultimately, a “corporatist” model of subjecthood obtained in Eastern Rumelia, which fused the traditional religious categorization of Ottoman subjects with an ethnic one under the umbrella of representative government. The tension between group belonging and individual politicization that began unfolding in Eastern Rumelia became a major dilemma of the post-Ottoman world and other post-imperial societies after World War I.

Type
Research Article
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 55 , Issue 4 , October 2013 , pp. 955 - 985
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2013 

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References

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30 Many of his informants later became important politicians and public figures in the Principality of Bulgaria and in Eastern Rumelia. Todorov, Goran, Vremennoto Rusko Uprlavlenie v Bŭlgariia prez 1877–1879 (Sofia: BKP, 1958), 65–71Google Scholar.

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36 Quoted in Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 68. Cherkasskii approved of the administrative councils that had been established after the 1864 provincial reforms in the Ottoman Empire; the councils were made up of both Muslims and non-Muslims. On this point, see Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 81.

37 Ibid., 81.

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49 Ibid., 24.

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53 Ovsianyi, Sbornik, vol. 6: 50.

54 Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 144–45.

55 Ovsianyi, Sbornik, vol. 5: 161–64.

56 Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 135–37, presents evidence about rather violent clashes among Bulgarians over abandoned land. It is unclear if the PRA articulated a policy for addressing such conflicts, but in any case there is always a discrepancy between official policy and action by individual officers. Only further archival research can illuminate this question.

57 Ovsianyi, Sbornik, vol. 5: 101–04.

58 Ibid.

59 Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 169–71.

60 İpek, Rumeli'den, 130–36.

61 On the numbers, see Berov, Liuben, “Agrarnoto Dvizhenie v Iztochna Rumeliia po vreme na Osvobozhdenieto,” Istoricheski Pregled 12 (1956): 3–36Google Scholar. His numbers are bit high, and I have used reports by prefects to compile a more accurate count.

62 In Against Massacre, Rodogno shows well how humanitarian intervention in effect diminished Ottoman sovereignty.

63 Villages from a district would usually group and write one petition. See, for instance, BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 4, s. 25–3, s. 41.

64 See, for instance, David Cameron Cuthell Jr., The Muhacirin Komisyonu: An Agent in the Transformation of Ottoman Anatolia, 1860–1866, PhD diss., Columbia University, 2005; also McCarthy, Death and Exile.

65 Cuthell, Muhacirin Komisyonu, 107.

66 Ibid., 250.

67 See the records of the commission: BOA, BEO AYN. d. 1553.

68 İpek, Rumeli'den, passim.

69 See Oktay Özel, “Migration and Power Politics: The Settlement of Georgian Immigrants In Turkey (1878–1908),” Middle Eastern Studies 46 (2010): 477–96.

70 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 4/3, s. 69.

71 The words belong to the statesmen and intellectual Ahmet Cevdet Paşa, quoted in Deringil, Selim, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire 1876–1909 (London: I. B. Tauris 2011)Google Scholar, 136.

72 Wolff, Rambling Recollections, 234.

73 Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains, 135–41.

74 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 4/3, s. 97. “Vizieral” means sent from the Office of the Ottoman grand vizier.

75 BOA, Y. A. HUS 163/26 s. 2; Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 129, 163, 176.

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80 Ibid., 175.

81 Or at least the archival trail shows us that much; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 9/1, s. 37, 68, 70 and A. MTZ. RŞ 131/5, s. 125. A similar situation of conflicting evidentiary interpretation can be seen in the case of Fatima Hanım, in BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 3/2 s. 144.

82 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 3/2 s. 64. Ahmed Ağa's case can be traced in BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 3/2, s. 64, 70–79, 116–21, 131, 132, 140–42, 156, 157; BOA, BEO NGG d. 969, No. 466, 477, 504, 508, and 539.

83 See Kamile Hanım's case, in BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 6/3, s. 18, 19, 46, 58, 76, 77, and 78.

84 BOA, BEO NGG d. 967 No. 180.

85 Ibid.

86 BOA. MTZ. RŞ 9/5, s. 6, 7, BEO NGG d. 969 #658, A. MTZ. RŞ 9/1, s. 73; Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 144.

87 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 131/5, s. 42, 76. The Vergi Emaneti in Ahmed Beğ's case feared that refugee requests for title deeds and the legalization of land sales might spur the spread of false documents.

88 BOA, BEO NGG d. 968 No. 102.

89 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 1/37 s. 1.

90 Todorov, Vremennoto Rusko, 169–71.

91 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 4/3, s. 78.

92 Ibid.

93 Ibid.

94 Ibid.

95 Ibid.

96 Ibid.

97 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 4/3 s. 97.

98 Ibid.

99 Dnevnitsi ot Petata Redovna Sessiia na Oblastnoto Sŭbranie (10-ii Oktomvri—10-ii Dekemvri 1883 g.): Stenografski Protokoli (Sofia: Ianko S. Kovachev, 1892)Google Scholar, 144.

100 See Doklad na Starozagorskii Prefekt za Sŭstoianieto na Okrŭga (Stara Zagora: Pechatnitsa “Znanie,” 1884), 7–8Google Scholar, and 12–15; Doklad na Haskovskii Prefekt za Sŭstoianieto na Okrŭga (Plovdiv: Khristo G. Danov, 1884)Google Scholar, 8; Doklad na Slivenskii Prefekt za sŭstoianieto na Okrŭga (Sliven: Pechatnitsa na vestnik “Bŭlgarsko Zname,” 1884)Google Scholar, 5.

101 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11 s. 4; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 26; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 25-1, 25-2; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11 s. 25-3.

102 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 26; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 25-1, 25-2; BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11 s. 25-3.

103 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11 s. 25-3.

104 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 4.

105 See Doklad na Starozagorskii Prefekt za Sŭstoianieto na Okrŭga (Stara Zagora: Pechatnitsa “Znanie,” 1884)Google Scholar, 15. On discrepancies among units and methods for land measurements in the Ottoman Empire, see also Minkov, Anton, “Mernata edinitsa za povŭrkhnost ‘dionium’ v administrativno-finansovata praktika na Osmanskata Impreiia (XV–XXv.),” Istoricheski Pregled 48 (1991): 47–53Google Scholar.

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108 See Katsarkova, Vera S., “Opiti za reformirane na danŭchnata sistema v Bŭlgariia v pŭrvite godini sled Osvobozhdenieto,” Trudove na Visshiia Ikonomicheski Institut “Karl Marks,” vol. 1 (1979): 165–203Google Scholar.

109 See the opinions of Hakanov and Milkovski in Dnevnitsi ot Petata Redovna Sessiia na Oblastnoto Sŭbranie (10-ii Oktomvri—10-ii Dekemvri 1883 g.): Stenografski Protokoli (Sofia: Ianko S. Kovachev, 1892)Google Scholar, 145, 148–49.

110 Ibid., 146, 150.

111 Dnevnitsi ot Shestata Redovna Sessiia na Oblastnoto Sŭbranie, 22-ii Oktomvri—22-ii Dekemvri 1884 g.): Stenograficheski Protokoli (Sofia: Ianko S. Kovachev, 1892)Google Scholar, 319, 438. On taxation as way of articulating the modern subject, see Kotsonis, Yanni, “‘No Place to Go’: Taxation and State Transformation in Late Imperial and Early Soviet Russia,” Journal of Modern History 76 (2004): 531–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “‘Face to Face’: The State, the Individual, and the Citizen in Russian Taxation, 1863–1917,” Slavic Review 63 (2004): 221–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I thank Peter Holquist for drawing my attention to these articles.

112 Plovdivski Oblasten Dŭrzhaven Arkhiv (PODA), F-40k, O-1.

113 Doklad na Starozagorskii Prefekt za Sŭstoianieto na Okrŭga (Stara Zagora: Pechatnitsa “Znanie,” 1884)Google Scholar, 49; see the Brezovo court records, PODA, F-40k, O-1; Katsarkova, “Opiti za reformirane,” 192; Iliev, Atanas T., Spomeni na Atanasa T. Iliev (Sofia: P. Glushkov, 1926), 220–47Google Scholar. Dnevnitsi ot Petata Redovna Sessiia, 142, 144.

114 Ibid., 139.

115 Dnevnitsi ot Shestata Redovna Sessiia, 439–41.

116 Ibid., 541.

117 Ibid., 442.

118 Ibid., 535.

119 Katsarkova, “Opiti za reformirane,” 194, and 194n.

120 Dnevnitsi ot Petata Redovna Sessiia, 140.

121 Ibid., 146.

122 Ibid., 144.

123 Ibid., 148.

124 Ibid. The term “fatherland” was used by Assembly Member Milkovski.

125 For the appeal, see BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 2/11, s. 27.

126 Ibid., s. 172.

127 Ibid., s. 40.

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131 Aydın, Şarkı Rumeli, 30–31.

132 BOA, A. MTZ. RŞ 4/3, s. 80.

133 See the abridged text in Iochev, Evgeni, Zakonodatelstvoto v tsarstvo Bŭlgariia (1879–1944 g.): konstitutsiia, zakoni, motivi, dokladi, ukazi, naredbi, naredbi-zakoni (Sofia: Fondatsiia “Otvoreno Obshtestvo,” 1999)Google Scholar.

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135 Georgeon, Francois, Abdülhamid II: le sultan calife (1876–1909) (Paris: Librairie Arthème Fayard, 2003), 194–95Google Scholar.

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137 Georgeon, Abdülhamid II, 194–95.

138 Ibid., 197.

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141 Ibid., 197–98.

142 Here “those” refers to (in addition to Bulgarian-speaking Orthodox Christians) Catholic Bulgarians, Jews, and Armenians.

143 Madzharov, Iztochna Rumeliia, 194.

144 Ivan Ev. Geshov, “Iztochna Rumeliia i izborŭt na pŭrviia postoianen komitet,” in Spomeni i Studii, 125–39.

145 See Madzharov, Mikhail Iv., Spomeni, Andreev, Veselin, ed. (Sofia: Bŭlgarski Pisatel, 1968)Google Scholar; as well as his Iztochna Rumeliia.

146 BOA, Ş.D. RŞ 1999/5, s. 13.

147 BOA, Ş.D. RŞ 1999/26, s. 7; Bogoridi's claim is on s. 5.

148 Statelova, Iztochna Rumeliia, 14.

149 BOA, ŞD 1999/26, s. 2.

150 Madzharov, Iztochna Rumeliia, 236–37; Maritsa no. 279, 24 Apr. 1881.

151 BOA, Ş.D. RŞ 1995/5, s. 12-4.

152 Ibid., s. 2, 11, 12-4.

153 Iono Mitev, Sŭedinenieto 1885 (Plovdiv: Hristo G. Danov, 1985), 140–43.

154 Ibid.

155 Crampton, Bulgaria, 90–91.

156 Mitev, Sŭedinenieto, 140–43. See also, Narodnii Glas no. 386, 16 Apr. 1883.

157 Mitev, Sŭedinenieto, 114–22.

158 Ibid.

159 Ibid., 151–53.

160 Ibid.; Crampton, Bulgaria, 91.

161 Mitev, Sŭedinenieto, 122–23.

162 Iliev, Spomeni, 258–61. The prefect of Stara Zagora Atanas Iliev related an incident in the district of Chirpan, where in the summer of 1885 guns were stolen from the municipality. He was also horrified that the newspaper Borba (“struggle,” “fight”) advocated disobedience.

163 Dnevnitsi ot Petata Redovna Sessiia, 150.

164 See Madzharov, Spomeni, 336–39; Iliev, Spomeni, 299–303.

165 Iliev, Spomeni, 299–300.