¹ 11.58–99 ed. Snell 1964³; cf. The Oxyrhynchys Papyri, Part xxvi, ed. by Lobel, E. (London, 1961), pp. 45–50.Google Scholar I should note that an extraordinarily bad study has been written on three-quarters of this myth: Elderkin, G. W., The First Three Temples at Delphi. Their religious and historical significance (Princeton, 1962).Google Scholar

² Cf. below.

³ Pindar says (cf. below) that it was built by Hephaistos and Athena, but Pausanias only mentions Hephaistos as the divine builder in the version which he mentions in order to reject.

⁴ Cf.Pausan. 9.37.3.

⁵ All that survives of the account of the laurel temple is but cf. also the mention of the laurel temple in the Scholia to Pind. Paean 8, P. Oxy. 841 fr. 107.

⁶ Cf. Snell, , op. cit, p. 43;Google ScholarLobel, , op. cit., pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

⁷ Isthm. fr. 2 Snell; cf. also Plut., Consol. ad Apoll. 109 A-B.

⁸ Op. cit., p. 46 on fr. 22.Google Scholar

⁹ Op. cit., p. 46.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The text reads and Snell, B., Hermes 73 (1938), 435, supplements vel sim.Google Scholar

¹¹ For the temple of Trophonios and Agamedes cf. also the following sources. Steph. Byz. s.v. Pausan. 9.37.4; Schol. Arist. Nub. 508, ed. Dindorf; Cic. Tusc. 1.47.114 (and cf. also above, n. 7). The account of their involvement in the building of a temple to Apollo given in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo will be discussed below.

¹² For the important role of the laurel in Delphic cult and ritual cf. Amandry, P., La Mantique apollinienne à Delphes. Essai sur le fonctionnement de l'oracle (Paris, 1950), pp. 126–9;Google Scholar (cf. also Eur. Ion, vv. 112–24).Google Scholar

¹³ Cf. Plut., De Pyth. orac. 397 a, De E apud Delph. 385 C; Luc. Bis acc. l; Aristoph., Ploutos 39; Schol. Aristoph. Ploutos 39; Callim. Iamb. 4 fr. 194. 26–7 Pfeiffer; cf. also Amandry, , op. cit., pp. 126–9.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cf. Aristoph, . Ploutos 213Google Scholar; Schol. Aristoph. Ploutos 213; Callim. Hymn to Delos 94; cf. Aristonoos, , Paean to Apollo, vv. 9–11.Google Scholar (Colin, M. G., Fouilles de Delphes III Epigraphie, vol. ii (Paris, 1909-1913), no. 191,Google Scholar where Apollo is said to prophesy shaking a laurel branch; (the date of this paean is the third quarter of the fourth century B.C.). And cf. Amandry, , op. cit., pp. 129–34.Google ScholarThe Homeric Hymn to Apollo v. 396Google Scholar (cf. 394–6) makes clear that the laurel played a fundamental role in the act of divination. I intend to discuss elsewhere the problems associated with this passage, and some other aspects of the laurel's place and significance in Apolline cult and ritual. Bousquet's suggestion (Gnomon 32 (1960), 260) that the laurel tree shaken by the Pythia and situated in the adyton was artificial, made of bronze, is very unconvincing, especially when three factors are taken into account: (i) we know from the texts, and especially the Ion, that real laurel was used a lot, and grew in the sanctuary, (ii) laurels grew in the adyton-courtyard of the temple (and oracle) of Apollo at Didyma, (iii) several inscriptions mention the which is likely to be referred to the adyton laurel, and which is a real laurel from which crowns were made.

¹⁵ It is interesting to note that according to Hesychius, the laurel growing at Tempe had a special name; it was called Svapeia (cf. Hes. s.v. ).

¹⁶ Cf. Brelich, A., Paides e parthenoi (Rome, 1969), pp. 398–412; 427–8;Google Scholar cf. also op. cit., pp. 397–8; 412–27.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Theopompos, , FGrH 115 F 80;Google Scholar Callim. Aet. 4 fr. 86; according to Hypoth. Pind. Pyth. c, Apollo was purified in Crete, but he then went to Tempe and brought the laurel to Delphi from there; in Aristonoos' Paean (cf. n. 14) Apollo is said to be a laurel branch when prophesying in w. 9–11 and to have been purified at Tempe in v. 15 but no connection is made by the poet between laurel and Tempe purification; cf. also: Nicander, , Alexipharmaca vv. 198–200;Google Scholar Steph. Byz. s.v. , Plut. Quaest. Graec. 293 C, and Tert. De cor. 7,5.

¹⁸ Theopompos, , FGrH 115 F 80;Google Scholar Steph. Byz. s.v. cf. also Iamb. 4 fr. 194 Pfeiffer 34–6; Hypoth. Pind. Pyth. c; Plut. De mus. 1136 A, De def. orac. 418 A-B, Quaest. Graec. 293 C.

¹⁹ Theopompos, , FGrH 115 F 80; Hypoth. Pind. Pyth c; cf. also Callim. Iamb. 4 fr.194 Pfeiffer 34–6.Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf. Schaefer, H., Die Lauhhütte. Ein Beitrag zur Kultur-und Religionsgeschichte Griechenlands und Italiens (Leipzig, 1939), pp.54 ff.Google Scholar, and especially the important study by Berard, C., ‘Architecture eretrienne et mythologie delphique. Le Daphnéphoréion’, AntK 14 (1971), 59–73.Google Scholar

²¹ Cf. Bérard, , op. cit.;Google ScholarAuberson, P., ‘La reconstitution du Daphnéphoréion d'Erétrie, AntK 17 (1974), 60–8;Google Scholar cf. also Auberson, P. and Schefold, K., Führer durch Eretria (Bern, 1972), pp.118–19 and 116 fig. 22.Google Scholar

²² Cf. Berard, , op. cit.Google Scholar

²³ The last two on the inside are in front of the transversal wall.

²⁴ Cf. Berard, , op. cit., esp. pp. 67–8.Google Scholar

²⁵ Auberson, , op. cit. (cf. n.21).Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. BCH 97 (1973), 363–5.Google Scholar

²⁷ Op. cit., p.68 n.47.Google ScholarAuberson, , op. cit., p.66Google Scholar also thinks that a Daphnephoreion may perhaps have existed at Delphi, but he does not connect this hypothesis with the eighth-century curved wall: ... ‘le temple d'Apollon à Delphes recèle peut-être dans ses soubas-sements un édifice proche ou semblable.’

²⁸ Lerat, L., RA 12 (1938), 215;Google Scholar cf. also Drerup, H., Griechische Baukunst in geometrischer Zeit, Archaeologia Homerica, Band II, ch.O (Göttingen, 1969), 064.Google Scholar

²⁹ de La Coste-Messeliere, P., ‘Topographic delphique’, BCH 93 (1969), 737.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ La Coste-Messeliére, , op. cit., pp.731–2.Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. Bérard, , op. cit., p.70.Google Scholar

³² Defradas, J., Les Thèmes de la propagande delphique (Paris, 1954), p.30,Google Scholar has argued that the two passages should be dated to the seventh century; firstly because indicates, he thinks, the type of monumental temple that the Greeks only began to build in the seventh century; and secondly because, he believes, the two passages are found in more recent parts of the poem. Berve (Review Defradas, , Thèmes, Gnomon 28 (1956) 174Google Scholar) has criticized these views and noted, first, that only implies stone foundations, and second, that the argument that the passages belong to more recent parts of the epics is of doubtful validity. The first point is self-evidently correct-except that I would modify ‘foundations’ to and/or ‘socle’. With regard to the second point, it is worth noting that Defradas's approach to the notion of ‘lateness’ in the epic is rather simplistic and confused. On Achilles' speech in Il. 9 to which our passage belongs, cf. Parry, A., The language of Achilles, TAPA 87 (1956), 1–7,Google Scholar who shows how Homer has here deliberately misused the traditional epic language in order to allow Achilles to express his disillusionment. On Od. 8.72–82 cf. Marg, W., ‘Das erste Lied des Demodokos’, Navicula Chilioniensis, Studia filologa Felici Jacoby Professori Chiloniensi Emerito octagenario oblata (Leiden, 1956), pp.16–29;Google Scholar cf. also Rüter, K.. Odysseeinterpretationen. Untersuchungen zum ersten Buch und zur Phaiakis (Göttingen, 1969), pp.247–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar (and cf. also Marg, W., review Rüter, Gnomon 43 (1971), 321–30, and esp. 328.)Google Scholar

³³ von Blumenthal, A., ‘Der Apollontempel des Trophonios und Agamedes in Delphi’, Phitologus 83 (1928), 220–4.Google Scholar

³⁴ Cf. Drerup, , op. cit. 0 106; 0 108.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. BCH 74 (1950), p-2.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. Bérard, , op. cit., p.68.Google Scholar

³⁷ Cf. Bérard, , op. cit., p.64.Google Scholar

³⁸ Führer, , p.118.Google Scholar

³⁹ Op. cit. n. 48 (pp. 68–9).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ A question raised by Bérard, (op. cit. n. 48) is this: given that the story of the laurel temple reflected a historical cultic reality, ‘pourquoi le temple de cire et de plumes, pourquoi le temple d'airain, quand et comment s'inserent-ils dans la tradition?’ I shall attempt to give an answer to this question later on in this article.Google Scholar

⁴¹ On Apollo's many associations with birds cf. the following, where references to ancient texts and representations as well as further bibliography can be found: Jessen, H. B., AA 1955, 281–309;Google ScholarKeller, O., Die antike Tierwelt vol. ii (Leipzig, 1920), passim;Google ScholarThompson, D'A. W., A Glossary of Greek Birds, (Oxford, 1936);Google ScholarAmandry, , Mantique, pp.57–8;Google ScholarMetzger, H., Etudes Delphiques, BCH Supplement IV (1977), 422 n.13; 425; 426; 428;Google Scholar cf. also Metzger, H., Les Représentations dans la ceramique attique du IVé siècle (Paris, 1951), pp.171–5.Google Scholar On doves at the Delphic sanctuary cf. Eur. Ion vv. 1196–8;Google Scholar Diod. Sic. 16.27.2.

⁴² Cf. e.g. Eur. fr. 773 N². 33–4; Aristoph. Av. 769–84;Callim. Hymn Ap. 4–5, Hymn Del. 249–54.

⁴³ Cf. Aristophanes' comparisons between birds and Apollo:

Av. 716–22:

⁴⁴ Mantique, pp.57–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cf. Cook, A. B., ‘The bee in Greek mythology’, JHS 15 (1895), 1–24;CrossRefGoogle ScholarRansome, H. M., The Sacred Bee in Ancient Times and Folklore (London, 1937), pp.91–111,Google Scholar with several errors; Picard, Ch., Ephèse et Claros (Paris, 1922), pp.183–4; 228–9;Google Scholaridem, REA 42 (1940), 279–83Google Scholar (very speculative); Feyel, M.,‘Etude sur le v.552 de l'hymne homerique à Hermes, RA 1946; i. 5–22;Google ScholarKeller, , op. cit., pp.421–31.Google ScholarCf. also Willetts, R. F., Cretan Cults and Festivals (London, 1962), pp.216–8; 257.Google Scholar Apart from the sources quoted in these discussions, cf. also Pind., Encom. fr. 123 Snell³ 10–11.

⁴⁶ Pindar, fr. 158 Snell³; Hesych. s.v. Porphyr. Antr. Nymph. 18; The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Part XV, ed. by Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S. (London, 1922), 1802,Google Scholar col. ii, 29–35; cf. also pp.155–60; Callim. H. Apoll. 110–2; Schol. Pind. Pyth. 4.106c; Serv. Schol. Virgil. Aen. 1. 430; Lactant. Div. Inst. 1.22.

⁴⁷ Pausan. 8. 13.1; Dittenberger, G., Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum ³ (Leipzig, 1915-1924), 352.6; 363; 16.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Aesch. Hieriai fr. 87 N².

⁴⁹ Cf. e.g. the bears at Brauron (cf. e.g. Aristoph. Lys. 645), the of Poseidon at Ephesos (Athen. 10.425 c), the in Laconia (for the Leukippidai: Hesych. s.v. † for Demeter and Kore: IG V.l 594; the Peleiai or Peleiades at Dodona (cf. Pausan. 10.12.10; Hesych. s.v. cf. also Soph. Trach. 172; Schol. Soph. Trach. 172; and Kamerbeck, J. C., The plays of Sophocles, commentaries, Part II, The Trachiniae (Leiden, 1959), comm. on vv. 171, 2).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ On the relationship between Delphi and the oracle of Trophonios cf. Parke, H. W. and Wormell, D. E. W., The Delphic Oracle (Oxford, 1956), p.368.Google Scholar

⁵¹ On this passagecf. Radermacher, L.Der homerische Hermeshymnus, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaft in Wien, ccxiii, 1 (Vienna, 1931), 169–73;Google ScholarAmandry, , Mantique, pp.61 ff.Google Scholar; Latte, , RE xviii. 832;Google ScholarFeyel, , op. cit.;Google ScholarJacoby, , FGrH III B Suppl. 559–60;Google Scholar cf. also the commentary on the passage in The Homeric Hymns ed. by Allen, T. W., Halliday, W. R., and Sikes, E. E. (Oxford, 1936 ²).Google Scholar

⁵² On of v. 556 cf. Amandry, , Mantique, p.62 n.4.Google Scholar

⁵³ Mantique, p.63 n.lGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ RE xviii, col. 832.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ FGrH III B Suppl. 560.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Op. cit.

⁵⁷ Op. cit.

⁵⁸ Mantique, p.61.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Cf. Latte, , op. cit.;Google ScholarRadermacher, , op. cit.;Google ScholarFeyel, , op. cit., p.6;Google ScholarJacoby, , op. cit.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ The problems concerning the name of the bee-women in the Hymn (on which cf. Feyel, , op. cit., pp.7–8Google Scholar, and Amandry, op. cit., pp.62, 64 n.2Google Scholar) and the relationship between this passage of the Hymn and Philochoros, FGrH 328F 195 and Apollod. Bibl. 30.10.2 (on which relationship cf. Jacoby, , op. cit., pp.559–60Google Scholar) do not affect the argument that the Homeric Hymn concerns an oracle involving the behaviour- pattern of bees or women-bees in the myth–reflecting the cult phenomenon of bee-divination (cf. esp. Jacoby, , op. cit., p.560).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Cf. for Delphi Diod. Sic. 16.26; Pausan. 10.5.7.

⁶² There were of course also other modes of divination practised at Delphi (cf. Amandry, , Mantique, pp.57–65). The Delphic oracle having become the most important Greek divination centre, it attracted to itself divination methods that may not have originally belonged there.Google Scholar

⁶³ Cf. Vallois, R., BCH 53 (1929), 216;CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, L'Architecture hellénique et hellénistique à Delos jusqu' à l'éviction des Déliens, i (Paris, 1944), 23, ii (Paris, 1966), 62–3.Google Scholar Cf. also A. K. Orlandos, ii (Athens, 1958), 257 fig. 225, 257–8; École française d'Athènes, Guide de Délos par Ph. Bruneau et Ducat, J. (Paris, 1965), pp.99, 111.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Cf. Gailet de Santerre, H., Délos primitive et arcbaique (Paris, 1958), p.297;Google ScholarGuide, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Cf. Guide, p.99, Rumpf (cf. next note), p.8.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Rumpf, A., ‘Bienen als Baumeister’, Jabrbucb der Berliner Museen 6 (1964), 5–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. Gailet de Santerre, , op. cit., p.144.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Cf. Guide, p.99.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Cf. Vallois, , Architecture i. 23.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Cf. Vallois, , Architecture ii. 62–3;Google ScholarGuide, pp.99, 111.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Cf. above, nn.45, 47, 48. Cf. also Kraay, C. M. and Hirmer, M., Greek Coins (London, 1966), pp.355, 356–7;Google ScholarKraay, C.M., Archaic and Classical Greek Coins (London, 1976), pp.23, 256; cf. also pl. 53, nos. 901–4.Google Scholar

⁷² Cf. Auberson, and Schefold, , Führer, p.120(and p.116 fig. 22).Google Scholar

⁷³ Cf. the corrected plan in AntK 17 (1974), 70 fig. 1. I am very grateful to Dr. P. Auberson for discussing this building with me and providing information about it.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Cf. vv. 76–9.

⁷⁵ Vit. Apollon. vi.

⁷⁶ I understand the Keledones as being part-human: cf. in v. 80 (and cf. Lobel, , op. cit. (cf. n.l), p.46)Google Scholar and perhaps also in v. 81 (cf. Lobel, ibid.); vv. 82–6 surely imply a human voice. Otherwise they appear to have had, wholly or partly, the form of wrynecks (cf. Snell, , op. cit. (cf. n.l), p.41,Google Scholar and Philostr, . op. cit.).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ On Lamia cf. Vermeule, E. T., Festschrift für Frank Brommer, ed. Hockmann, V. and Krug, A. (Mainz, 1977), pp.296–7).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Op. cit., p.47.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Cf. Hesiod, , Theogony ed. West, M. L. (Oxford, 1966), p.166, commentary on v. 32.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ I should note that polarization frequently takes place within the mythopoeic process; cf. also Brelich, A., Gli eroi greci. Un problema storico-religioso (Rome, 1958), pp.277–8.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Thompson, D'A., A Glossary of Greek Sirds (Oxford, 1936), s.v.Google Scholar

⁸² Cf. Martin, R., Manuel d'architecture grecque, i Matériaux et techniques (Paris, 1965), p.155.Google Scholar

⁸³ Cf. Martin, , op. cit., p. 156.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ On this temple cf. Heidenreich, R., ‘Agamcdes in Delphi oder Mythos und Bankunst’, Zeitschrift d. Friedr. Schiller-Universität, Jena 4 (1954-1955), 49 ff.Google Scholar; Kaulen, G., Daidalika. Werkstätten griechischer Kleinplastik des 7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Munich, 1967), p. 101Google Scholar-discussion rather unsound and somewhat irrelevant (cf. Philipp-next item-p.12 n.9); Philipp, H., in Dädalische Kunst auf Kreta im 7. Jahrhundert, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe (Hamburg, 1970), pp. 6–7, 12 n.9.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The choice of these two as the contributors of the heroic element in the first place was natural. They were the architects of the heroic age par excellence. They were also associated with Apollo. It is possible that one of these two features determined the choice, and the other resulted from their connections with the building of the Delphic temple.

⁸⁶ It is interesting to remember that, as we have seen, Strabo had ordered the Delphic temples according to a tripartite model expressing three different orders of ‘reality’: the mythical sphere represented by the temple of wax and feathers, the world of the heroic, legendary past, represented by the temple of Trophonios and Agamedes, said to be the second temple, and the real world of humanity, represented by ‘the present’ temple constructed by the Amphiktyones.

⁸⁷ Cf. also above, discussion of second temple.