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8. “Poisonous Books,” Canadian Churchman, 20 January 1910.

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11. For an example in which the word “Christian” is translated as “reader,” see Peterson, Derek, “The Rhetoric of the Word: Bible Translation and Mau Mau in Colonial Central Kenya,” in Missions, Nationalism, and the End of Empire, ed. Brian, Stanley (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2003), 166Google Scholar. See also the long history of textual traditions in colonized societies as described in Jack, Goody, ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968).Google Scholar

12. Bhabha, Homi K., The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994), 105.Google Scholar

13. See Anver Emon's discussion of the truncation of the diversity of Islamic law into a highly circumscribed code under British rule of India in Islamic Law and the Canadian Mosaic: Law, Politics, and Multicultural Accommodation, ed. Leonard Kaplan and David Weisstub (forthcoming).

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21. For my larger project, I have gathered all references to healing found from 1900–2000 within these two newspapers and their successors, and used these papers as pathways to other sources (for example, via book reviews or citations). My choke to focus intensively on two newspapers reflects my commitment to consider these papers not only as sources of data, but also as communities of discourse.

22. See Taves, Ann, Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

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26. Hall, Worlds of Wonder; Brown, The Word in the World.

27. Nord, Faith in Reading.

28. See Maffly-Kipp, Laurie F., “Writing Our Way into History: Gender, Race, and the Creation of Black Denominational Life,” in Women and Twentieth-Century Protestantism, ed. Bendroth, Margaret Lamberts and Brereton, Virginia Lieson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press 2002), 164–83Google Scholar; Griffith, R. Marie, “Female Suffering and Religious Devolion in American Pentecostalism,” in Women and Twentieth-Century Protestantism, 184–208.Google Scholar

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30. Ibid., 35–36.

31. Ibid., 35.

32. Marty, Martin F., The Religious Press in America (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1963).Google Scholar

33. There is even evidence of an interplay between particular communication technologies and religious epistemologies and ritualization, as in the case of spiritualism's interest in the telegraph, and the shared discourse of “automatic writing” as a spiritualist phenomenon and an early description of typewriting: see Jeremy Stolow, “TeclmoReligious Imaginaries: On the Spiritual Telegraph and the Circmn-Atlantic World of the 19th Century,” Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition Working Paper Series, McMaster University, forthcoming; and Gitelman, Scripts, Grooves, and Writing Machines.

34. Between the years 1908–25, the Christian Guardian had a consistent subscription rate that ranged from 20,000 to 23,000, with a jump in 1920 to 32,126: “Methodist Book and Publishing House Financial Statements,” 1915, 1919, 1920, 1924, 1925, file 21, box 30, fonds 513/2, 83.061C, Financial operations: Methodist/Ryerson, United Church of Canada Board of Publication Collection fonds (hereafter UCC Board fonds), United Church of Canada/Victoria University Archives, Toronto, Canada. Ministers were the main agents for the paper, but it was also peddled door to door: “The Christian Guardian,” n.d., 7, file 2, box 12, fonds 513/2/3, 83.061C, Ryerson History, UCC Board fonds. Archival records and subscription rates for the Canadian Churchman from 1900–1925 are seemingly non-existent. In the 1950s, a low point, its subscribers numbered approximately 5000: “Anglican Journal/Journal Anglican: A Brief History,” Anglican Journal—Historical Information, G596–07, Anglican General Synod Archives, Toronto, Canada. On editorial histories, see Miliman, T. R., “Canadian Anglican Journalism in the Nineteenth Century,” Canadian Church Historical Society, 3:5 (1959): 9Google Scholar; Katerberg, William H., “Redefining Evangelicalism in the Canadian Anglican Church: Wycliffe College and the Evangelical Party, 1867–1995,” in Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience, ed. George, Rawlyk (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 176Google Scholar; Hayes, , Anglicans in Canada, 125Google Scholar; Airhart, Phyllis, Serving the Present Age: Revivalism, Progressivism, and the Methodist Tradition in Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1992), 78Google Scholar; Christie, Nancy and Gauvreau, Michael, A FullOrbed Christianity: The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900–1940 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996), 25Google Scholar. On Creighton's love of books, see Creighton, Donald, “My Father and the United Church,” in The Passionate Observer: Selected Writings (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1980), 95–96.Google Scholar

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39. Both denominations were deeply influenced by their British and American counterparts. See Hayes, Anglicans in Canada; Airhart, Serving the Present Age; Westfall, William, Two Worlds: The Protestant Culture of Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Vaudry, Richard W., “Evangelical Anglicans and the Atlantic World: Politics, Ideology, and the British North American Connection,” in Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience, ed. Rawlyk, G. A. (Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 154–70.Google Scholar

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47. Ibid., 15 January 1915.

48. Ibid., 27 January 1915.

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52. Ibid., 21 November 1901.

53. Ibid., 15 February 1900.

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60. Ibid., 7.

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100. Ibid., 3 January 1900.

101. The inscriptions, still extant in the Christian Science Mother Church in Boston, are the following. On the left front wall: “He shall give you another comforter, that he may abide with you for ever; Even the spirit of truth whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth him not. But ye know him for he dwelleth in you. Christ Jesus.” This is a slight alteration of John 14:16–17 AV. On the right front wall: “If sin makes sinners Truth and Love can unmake them. If a sense of disease produces suffering and a sense of ease antidotes it, disease is mental. Hence the fact of Christian Science that the human mind alone suffers and the divine mind alone heals it. Mary Baker Eddy.” This is an earlier version of the passage in the current edition of Science and Health 270:22. Also on the right front wall: “Preach the word; be instant in season, out of season; reprove, rebuke, exhort with all wrong suffering and doctrine. Paul”: 2 Timothy 4:2 AV.

102. Christian Guardian, 27 June 1906.

103. Ibid., 7 August 1901.

104. Ibid.

105. Dearmer, Percy, Body and Soul: An Enquiry into the Effect of Religion upon Health, with a Description of Christian Works of Healing from the New Testament to the Present Day (London: E. P. Dutton, 1909), 117–18.Google Scholar

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121. In Acts 19:19 NRSV, Paul's preaching and acts of healing in Ephesus are so convincing to the Ephesians that “a number of those who practiced magic collected their books and burned them publicly.”

122. Dearmer, Percy, ed., The Fellowship of the Picture: An Automatic Script Taken Down by Nancy Dearmer (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1920)Google Scholar. On automatic writing and its relationship to the uses of texts as scientific evidence, see Gitelman, , Scripts, Grooves, and Writing MachinesGoogle Scholar. Mullin classifies Dearmer as a sacramentalist for his championing of anointing the sick—given his spiritualist interests, I would argue that he was equally “thaumaturgical,” though not in a Pentecostal sense. See Mullin, , Miracles and the Modern Religious Imagination, 199–202.Google Scholar

123. See Root, John D., “Science, Religion, and Psychical Research: The Monistic Thought of Sir Oliver Lodge,” Harvard Theological Review 71 (07–10 1978): 245–63.Google Scholar

124. Christian Guardian, 26 January 1910.

125. Ibid., 9 February 1910, 2 March 1910.

126. Bedson, C. L., “We Have Not Turned Spiritualist,” Christian Guardian, 26 01 1910.Google Scholar

127. Bainborough, George A., “Sir Oliver Lodge's Creed,” Christian Guardian, 16 02 1910.Google Scholar

128. Naylor, C. E., “Sir Oliver Lodge and Psychic Research,” Christian Guardian, 2 03 1910Google Scholar. In another exchange of letters in January–February 1915, one pro-Lodge writer took care to mention that he “receives communications in writing from many of his old friends who have passed away”: Murphy, John, Christian Guardian, 3 February 1915.Google Scholar

129. Christian Guardian, 2 March 1910. For an Anglican clergyman parallel to Lodge, see Rev. DuVernet's, F. H. discussions of his experiments with “radio mind”: “Telepathic Testimonies,” Canadian Churchman, 1 November 1923.Google Scholar

130. See Schmidt, Leigh, Hearing Things.Google Scholar

131. Opp, , The Lord for the BodyGoogle Scholar; and Burkinshaw, , Pilgrims in Lotus Land.Google Scholar

132. “The Special Committee's Report on the Dr. C. S. Price Healing Campaign,” Christian Guardian, 16 January 1924; and “The Price Campaign: The Minority Point of View,” Christian Guardian, 19 March 1924. The Canadian Churchman printed brief articles about Price but did not print the report.

133. For example, Routley, T. C., “Canadian Health Service: Article 1, The Waste of Ill Health,” Christian Guardian, 3 12 1924.Google Scholar

134. Christie, and Gauveau, , A Full-Orbed Christianity, 129.Google Scholar

135. Airhart, Phyllis and Hutchinson, Roger C., Christianizing the Social Order: A Founding Vision of the United Church of Canada, Special Issue of Toronto Journal of Theology 12:2 (1996)Google Scholar; Christie, and Gauveau, , A Full-Orbed Christianity, 77, 220Google Scholar; Phillips, Paul T., A Kingdom on Earth: Anglo-American Social Christianity, 1880–1940 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), chap. 3.Google Scholar

136. “Good Reading Popular,” Christian Guardian, 5 October 1910.

137. Harrison, , The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science.Google Scholar

138. See Opp, , The Lord for the Body.Google Scholar

139. Wacker, , Heaven Below, 31.Google Scholar