1. Hill, Samuel S. Jr., “A Survey of Southern Religious History,” in Religion in the Southern States: A Historical Study, ed. Hill, (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1983), 384; Boles, John B., “The Discovery of Southern Religious History,” in Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Stanford W. Higginbothan, ed. Boles, and Nolen, Evelyn Thomas (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 510–48.
2. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 1–38, passim. Compare Heyrman, Christine Leigh, Southern Cross: The Beginning of the Bible Belt (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 3–27.
3. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982).
4. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), viii, 161–86.
5. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 164–93. See also Butler, , “Enthusiasm Described and Decried: The Great Awakening as Interpretive Fiction,” Journal of American History 69 (1982): 305–25. As a corrective Butler, writes, “the increase in religious pluralism provides an important clue to understanding the attempts at religious renewal in eighteenth-century America. It was the breadth and diversity of these efforts—not their cohesion or their limitation to the 1740s—that solidified their significance”: Awash in a Sea of Faith, 177. In consideration of the origins of the Bible belt, a few things seem clear: evangelicalism was not static, it changed over time; it was not monolithic, it changed from place to place; and, finally, as Christine Heyrman writes, “there was … nothing inevitable about the triumph of evangelicalism in the South”; it grew in fits, spurts, and pops, and early evangelicals met with resistance, struggling for decades to “claim the soul of the South”: Heyrman, , Southern Cross, 23, 26.
6. Robbins, Walter L., ed., “John Tobler's Description of South Carolina (1754),” South Carolina Historical Magazine 71 (October 1970): 262 (emphasis added).
7. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1930). See Bonomi, , Under the Cope of Heaven, 92, 125.
8. Application of this model to the Lower South led historian Rachel N. Klein to over-emphasize to the point of caricature, if not invent religious “tension” between Separate and Regular Baptists in South Carolina. See Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backcountry, 1760–1808 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 44–45, 276–78.
9. [Whitaker, Benjamin], The Chief Justice's Charge to the Grand Jury (Charleston, S.C.: n.p., 1741), 10–11.
10. Hofstadter, Richard, America at 1750: A Social Portrait (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), 3–32, 180–216, 217–92; Bonomi, , Under the Cope of Heaven, 1–27, 131–60; Hall, David D., “Religion and Society: Problems and Reconsiderations” in Colonial British America: Essays on the New History of the Early Modern Era, ed. Greene, Jack P. and Pole, J. R. (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 317–44.
11. Weis, Frederick Lewis, The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of the Middle and Southern Colonies, 1607–1776 (Lancaster, Mass.: Society of the Descendants of the Colonial Clergy, 1938), 31, 36, 45, 51, 72, 100, 102, and passim; Weeks, Steven B., Southern Quakers and Slavery: A Study in Institutional History (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1896), appendix. The word “church” is used here in a strict underrepresentative sense. It refers to a permanent building used primarily for public worship. Preaching stations and temporary meeting places, such as barns or rooms set aside in private residences, are not included in the computations. Compare Marcus Jernegan's use of the term in Paullin, Charles O., Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States, ed. Wright, John K. (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington and the American Geographical Society of New York, 1932), 49–50, plate 82. The per capita church ratio assumes a total population in 1701 of 5,700, with roughly 3,300 whites and 2,400 blacks. Since all but a few blacks worshiped outside of these mostly white churches, a trend that was not reversed until after 1750, the per capita ratio was probably closer to 1 to 275: Ruymbeke, Bertrand Van, “The Huguenots of Proprietary South Carolina: Patterns of Migration and Integration,” in Money, Trade, and Power: The Evolution of Colonial South Carolina's Plantation Society, ed. Greene, Jack P., Rosemary, Brana-Shute, and Sparks, Randy J. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001), 27–29, 41, estimates that around 600 Huguenots migrated to South Carolina by 1710.
12. Weis, , The Colonial Clergy, 31, 36, 45, 51, 72, 100, 102; Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, appendix. The word “church” is again used here to mean a permanent building used primarily for public worship. There were approximately 15,000 whites and 40,000 blacks in South Carolina in 1740, while there were exactly 53 churches: 24 Anglican, 7 Baptist 4 Congregational, 5 French Reformed, 4 German Reformed, 8 Baptist, and 1 Quaker. See my “A Quantitative Analysis of Churches and Ministers in Colonial South Carolina: 1681–1780” (paper presented at the fall 1997 Colloquium, Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, September 9, 1997). Copies of this paper are available at the Institute at the College of William and Mary, OIEAHC, P.O. Box 8781, Williamsburg, Virginia 23187–8781, or IEAHC1@facstaff. wm.edu. In Historical Atlas of Religion in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1961), 174, Appendix B, “Number of Churches in 1750: Denominational Distribution,” Edwin Scott Gaustad estimates that there were 126 churches in Virginia and 94 churches in Maryland in 6 denominations: Anglican, Baptist, Lutheran, Presbyterian, German Reformed, and Roman Catholic. Rough population figures for these Chesapeake colonies can be found in U.S. Bureau, of Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, D.C., 1975), part 2, 1168 (Ser. Z 15–17, compiled by Stella H. Sutherland).
13. Bonomi, Patricia U. and Eisenstadt, Peter R., “Church Adherence in the Eighteenth-Century British American Colonies,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 39 (04 1982): 273. See also, Bonomi, , Under the Cope of Heaven, 92; Little, , “A Quantitative Analysis of Churches and Ministers,” 14.
14. Johnston, Gideon to SPG, 27 January 1710/11, in Carolina Chronicle: The Papers of Commissary Gideon Johnston, 1707–1716, ed. Klingberg, Frank J. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946), 72–73.
15. Quoted in Howe, George, History of the Presbyterian Church in South Carolina, 2 vols. (Columbia, S.C.: Duffie and Chapman, 1870), 1:164.
16. Nairne reported that there was only one Baptist congregation in the colony, for instance, but Anglican ministers conceded that they were “active beyond expression to increase the number of their Sectaryes” and had formed congregations stretching “towards the Southward,” apparently all the way to Edisto. Jau, Francis Le to Secretary of the SPG, 10 August 1713, in The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 1707–1716, ed. Klingberg, Frank J. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956), 134; “Report of Commissary Gideon Johnston to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel about 1713,” in The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina, Hirsch, Arthur Henry (1928; reprint Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999), 309. See also, Townsend, Leah, South Carolina Baptists, 1670–1805 (1935; reprint Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical, 1978), 12–13, 36–37, and chapter 1, passim. In sum, Baptists represented a significant minority of the dissenting population, about 20 percent during the first third of the eighteenth century.
17. Butler, Jon, The Huguenots in America: A Refugee People in New World Society (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 116. See also “Report of Commissary Gideon Johnston to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel about 1713,” in Hirsch, , The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina, 297–309; Bolton, S. Charles, Southern Anglicanism: The Church of England in Colonial South Carolina (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), 35.
18. John La Pierre to SPG, 15 February 1716, quoted in Butler, , The Huguenots in America, 118.
19. “Report of Commissary Gideon Johnston to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel about 1713,” in Hirsch, , The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina, 309.
20. Butler, Jon, “Enlarging the Body of Christ: Slavery, Evangelism, and the Christianization of the White South, 1690–1790,” in The Evangelical Tradition in America, ed. Sweet, Leonard I. (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1984), 93–94. See also Butler, , Awash in a Sea of Faith, 32–34.
21. Thomas Smith to SPG, 16 January 1708, “A Letter by the Second Landgrave Smith,” reproduced by Salley, A. S. Jr., in South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 32 (01 1931): 61–61, suggests that there were “two Ministers that professed themselves and were so reputed to be of the Established Church” in the colony in 1684, Phineas Roger and Atkin Williamson. Neither is included in the list of Anglican ministers who served in South Carolina between 1696 and 1775 compiled by S. Charles Bolton, so by his count five clergy had arrived by the end of 1702. See Bolton, , Southern Anglicanism, 166–75.
22. Thomas, Samuel to Rev. Dr. Woodward, 29 January 1702, in “Letters of the Rev. Samuel Thomas, 1702–1710,” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 4 (07 1903): 226.
23. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 8 September 1708, in Klingberg, ed., Carolina Chronicle, 28–29. As elsewhere in the colony, ministers quickly enjoyed the patronage of the laity. Affra (Harleston) Coming, who arrived in South Carolina in 1670 with the first fleet, made a “pious and free gift” of seventeen acres of land to Samuel Marshall and his successors. Others contributed to the improvement and furnishing of St. Philip's, which, as Crisp's, Edward “Plan of Charles Town” (1704) vividly illustrates, came to dominate everything in sight. Built of black cypress upon a brick foundation, St. Philip's symbolized Anglicanism's sudden resurgence. Even more than other churches at the time, it was an architectural statement that commanded attention to organized Christianity, even those dissenters in Charleston who might have “any reason to complain or make the least noise” that it was “an Eye sore to them”: Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 27. See also Dalcho, Frederic, An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina from the First Settlement of the Province to the War of the Revolution (Charleston, S.C.: E. Thayer, 1820), 26–27, 63–70.
24. Gideon Johnston to SPG, 5 July 1710, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 39–40, On Johnston's efforts, see Bolton, , Southern Anglicanism, 31–36. On commissaries' efforts elsewhere, see Brydon, G. M., Virginia's Mother Church and the Political Conditions under Which It Grew, 2 vols. (Richmond, Va.: Virginia Historical Society, 1947–1952), 1:225–40, 309–26.
25. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708; and Johnston to SPG, 20 January 1711, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 28, 78. The dissenter party provided a uniform bloc against Johnston, and their reaction took a predictable form. See Sirmans, M. Eugene, Colonial South Carolina: A Political History, 1663–1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 89–96.
26. Gideon Johnston to SPG, 5 July 1710, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 56–57.
27. Johnston, Gideon, “Present State of the Clergy,” in The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina, Arthur Henry Hirsh (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1928), 298; Johnston to the Secretary of the SPG, 5 July 1710, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 39, 51. Johnston provided the SPG with skewed data on at least one occasion; see note 14 above.
28. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 22. See Hill, Christopher, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas during the English Revolution (1972; reprint London: Penguin, 1991), 186, 210, 227, 255, 326, 412, and passim on libertines and libertinism.
29. Quoted in Bonomi, Patricia U., Under the Cope of Heaven, 89–90.
30. Weis, , The Colonial Clergy, 29, 33, 39, 51–52, 78, 82–84, 86–87, 92, 100, 105; Dalcho, , Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church, 244–74, 284–302, 366–74.
31. Bolton, , Southern Anglicanism, 166–69.
32. Bonomi and Eisenstadt analyze the 1724 Anglican survey in “Church Adherence in the Eighteenth-Century British American Colonies,” 253–62. The ministers' responses to the Bishop of London are included in an unpaginated appendix, ibid., following page 276, and all the calculations presented here are based on those responses, using a standard multiplier of five to figure mean family size. Wood, Peter, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), 146–49, employs the same multiplier and provides population statistics for each parish as well as the colony as a whole. It was reported that “70 persons”—one-fifth of the total number of white adult parishioners—“constantly” turned out every week for Sunday services in Christ Church, while “seldom less 50 or 60” attended weekly services in St. John Berkeley, more than one-quarter of the white adults living in St. John's. Quoted in Bonomi and Eisenstadt, “Church Adherence in the Eighteenth-Century British American Colonies,” appendix.
33. Butler, , “Enlarging the Body of Christ,” 97–109.
34. Morgan, Philip D., Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 61.
35. See Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 28; Francis La Jau to SPG, 18 September 1711, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 22, 102; Butler, , Awash in a Sea of Faith, 137–40.
36. Fleetwood, William, A Sermon Preached before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, at the Parish Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, on Friday the 16th of February, 1710/11 (London: Joseph Downing, 1711), reprinted in Klingberg, Frank J., Anglican Humanitarianism in Colonial New York (Philadelphia, Pa.: The Church Historical Society, 1940), 195–212; Butler, , “Enlarging the Body of Christ,” 101–2. See also, Morgan, , Slave Counterpoint, 273–96.
37. Klingberg, , The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 134, n. 179.
38. Francis Le Jau to Secretary of the SPG, 26 January 1715, and 12 March 1715, in ibid., 146, 149.
39. Francis La Jau to Secretary of the SPG, 18 February 1709, 12 December 1712, and 10 August 1713, in ibid., 50, 125, 133.
40. “Instructions of the Clergy of South Carolina given to Mr. [Gideon] Johnston on his coming away for England, enlarged and explained by the said Mr. Johnston, and humbly presented to … the Society,” March 14, 1712–13, in Klingberg, Frank J., An Appraisal of the Negro in Colonial South Carolina (Washington, D.C.: Associated, 1941), 6.
41. Ibid., 6; Francis La Jau to Secretary of the SPG, 26 January 1715, in Klingberg, , ed., The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis La Jau, 146.
42. Klingberg, , An Appraisal of the Negro, 32, 55–61. See also Olwell, Robert, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects; The Culture of Power in the South Carolina Low Country, 1740–1790 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 117, n. 55.
43. “Instructions to the Clergy of South Carolina,” in Klingberg, , An Appraisal of the Negro, 6.
44. Richard Ludlam to the Secretary of the SPG, 3 July 1724, Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, quoted in Olwell, , Masters, Slaves, and Subjects, 118.
45. Butler, , “Enlarging the Body of Christ,” 97–111.
46. Fleetwood, , A Sermon Preached before the Society of the Propagation of the Gospel, 203–5, 206–7; Morgan, , Slave Counterpoint, 284–96.
47. Clergy of South Carolina to Secretary of the SPG, 10 March 1724, Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, series B, vol. 4, no. 141.
48. Clergy of South Carolina to Secretary of the SPG, 12 July 1722, Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, series A, vol. 16:76–78, Manuscript Divison, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
49. Alexander Garden to Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London, 28 December 1733, Fulham Papers, Lambeth Palace Library, London, 40 vols. (London: University Microfilms, 1963), 9:278–79. On the economy in the early royal era, see Conclanis, Peter A., The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low Country, 1670–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), chap. 3.
50. Garden's efforts to strengthen the Anglican Church in South Carolina by freeing it from dependence on the SPG are discussed in Bolton, Southern Anglicanism, chap. 3. Using quantitative data culled from Naval Officer Shipping Lists and available price series, historian Stephen G. Hardy estimates that the compound growth rate of the value of rice exported from the colony was 13.9 percent per year from 1722 to 1738: “Colonial South Carolina's Rice Industry and the Atlantic Economy: Patterns of Trade, Shipping, and Growth, 1715–1775,” in Greene, , Brana-Shute, , and Sparks, , ed., Money, Trade, and Power, 112.
51. Alexander Garden to Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London, 15 May 1735, Fulham Papers, 5:7–10; Sherman, Richard P., Robert Johnson: Proprietary and Royal Governor of South Carolina (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1966), 120.
52. Sirmans, , Colonial South Carolina, 183–85.
53. Salley, A. S., ed., Journal of the Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina, June 2, 1724–June 16, 1724 (Columbia, S.C.: Historical Commission of South Carolina, 1944), 44; Petition of Archibald Stobo, 1722, Records of the Society of the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., series A, vol. 16:107–10.
54. Salley, , ed., Journal of the Commons House, 44; Governor Francis Nicholson to Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London, 5 August 1724, Fulham Papers, 9:156–57. A leading Anglican reformer and SPG charter member, Nicholson spared “neither his purse nor person” when it came to the Church of England, and he held the clergy “up by the chin” during his tenure, securing salary increases, funds to support the building and improvement of parish churches, and a commitment from London to send forth additional missionaries. Richard Ludlam to David Humphreys, 25 March 1725, quoted in Klingberg, , An Appraisal of the Negro, 48. With Nicolson's help the clergy secured salary increases in 1724, and the assembly regularly established new parishes and vestries, providing support for church building and public preaching: Bolton, , Southern Anglicanism, 42–49.
55. Scholars have long interpreted the First Great Awakening as a “crisis of authority”: Isaac, , Transformation of Virginia, 266, n. The evangelical focus on conversionism, the New Birth, suggested a peculiar kind of “vital religion,” enabling believers to contemplate Truth through an empirical-emotional experience, whereby “feeling” became “believing” and “knowing” Though they were often shared publicly and joined Protestant evangelicals together in closely knit communities, these conversion experiences were profoundly personal and privatistic, hallmarks of modern Western individualism.
56. Salley, , ed., Journal of the Commons House, 24.
57. “Archdale's description of Carolina” in Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650–1708, ed. Salley, Alexander S. Jr. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911), 304.
58. See Butler, , The Huguenots in America, 116–20.
59. Francis Le Jau to Secretary of the SPG, 1 February 1710, in Klingberg, , ed., The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 71. See also Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , Carolina Chronicle, 25; Sirmans, , Colonial South Carolina, 80, 88–89, 93–95.
60. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 24. See also Johnston to Secretary of the SPG, 5 July 1710, in ibid., 58; Francis Le Jau to Philip Stubs, 3 July 1707, in The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 29.
61. Gideon Johnston of Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 23; Francis Le Jau to Secretary of the SPG, 1 February 1710, in Klingberg, , ed., The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jan, 71.
62. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 23.
63. Chief Justice Nicholas Trott to the SPG, 13 September 1707, quoted in Bolton, , Southern Anglicanism, 32. See also Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 18.
64. Gideon Johnston to Bishop of Sarum, 20 September 1708, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 25.
65. Thomas, Cooper and McCord, David J., ed., Statutes at Large of South Carolina, 10 vols. (Columbia, S.C.: A. S. Johnston, 1836–1841), 2:137, 339.
66. Curry, Thomas J., The First Freedoms: Church and State in America to the Passage of the First Amendment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 59.
67. Gideon Johnston to the Secretary of the SPG, 27 January 1711, in Klingberg, , ed., Carolina Chronicle, 72–73. On Landgrave Thomas Smith's political tactics, see Sirmans, , Colonial South Carolina, 81, 95.
68. Weis, , The Colonial Clergy, 108–39 and passim; Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, appendix; Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:165–201; Townsend, , South Carolina Baptists, 1–60. White immigration fell off sharply in the early decades of the eighteenth century, and mortality and morbidity rates remained frightfully high until at least the 1740s. See Weir, Robert M., Colonial South Carolina: A History (Millwood, N.Y.: KTO, 1983), 123, 147, 205–7, 209–10.
69. “Archdale's Description of Carolina,” in Salley, Jr., ed., Narratives of Early Carolina, 308–9, 311.
70. Ibid., 284. A feeling of intense crisis, part of a larger intellectual, cultural, and moral zeitgeist, usually precedes any generalized religious Awakening. See Boles, John B., “Evangelical Protestantism in the Old South: From Religious Dissent to Cultural Dominance,” in Religion in the South, ed. wilson, Charles Reagan (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. 1985).
71. “Introduction,” in Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1790–1990, ed. Noll, Mark A., Bebbington, David W., and Rawlyk, George A. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 9.
72. See, for instance, Walsh, John, “‘Methodism’ and the Origins of English-Speaking Evangelicalism,” in Noll, , Bebbington, , and Rawlyk, , ed., Evangelicalism, 19–37; Susan O'Brien, “Eighteenth-Century Publishing Networks in the First Years of Transatlantic Evangelicalism,” in ibid., 38–57; and Harry S. Stout, “George Whitefield in Three Countries,” in ibid., 58–72.
73. Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:185; Sirmans, , Colonial South Carolina, 53–54, 80–81, 93–94. See also Rogers, George C. Jr., Evolution of a Federalist: William Lou ghton Smith of Charleston (1758–1812) (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1962), 401 (genealogical chart); Sibley, John Langdon and others, Sibley's Harvard Graduates (Boston, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1873–1999), 8:569–85 (the classes of 1726–30).
74. See Smith, Josiah, A Discourse Delivered at Boston, on July 11, 1726: Then Occasion'd by the Author's Ordination. And now Published at the Request of Several Gentlemen, who were Present at the Delivery of it (Boston: S. Gerrish and T. Hancock, 1726).
75. (Boston: n.p., 1730), i–ii.
76. Smith, Josiah, The Duty of Parents to Instruct their Children: Being the Substance of Several Sermons Preach'd at Cainhoy, in the Province of South-Carolina, Anno Dom. 1727. Now Contracted into One Discourse (Boston: D. Henchman, 1730), i–ii. See also Solomon's Caution against the Cup: A Sermon Delivered at Cainhoy, in the Province of South-Carolina. March 30, 1729 (Boston: D. Henchman, 1730); Solomon's Counsel to his Son: A Sermon Delivered at Cainhoy, in the Province of South-Carolina, Anno Dom. 1729 (Boston: D. Henchman, 1730).
77. Ibid., ii; Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:190. See also Clarke, Erskine, Our Southern Zion: A History of Calvinism in the South Carolina Low Country, 1690–1990 (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1996), 47–48; Davis, Richard Beale, Intellectual Life in the Colonial South, 1585–1763, 3 vols. (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1978), 2:764. The precise founding date of the Charleston or South Carolina Presbytery is a small mystery. Other names for the organization include the Old South Carolina Presbytery, the Scotch Presbytery, and the Presbytery of the Province.
78. Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:191.
79. Smith, Josiah, No New Thing to Be Slander'd: A Sermon Preach'd at Cainhoy, in the Province of South-Carolina, Sept. 27, 1730 (Boston: n.p., 1730), 23 (postscript); The Divine Right of Private Judgment Vindicated: in Answer to the Reverend Mr. Hugh Fisher's Postscript, Annex'd to his Preservative from Damnable Errors, in the Unction of the Holy One (Boston: n.p., 1730), 3, 17.
80. Fisher, Hugh, A Preservative from damnable Errors, in the Unction of the Holy One: A Sermon Preach'd, at the opening of a Presbytery, at Charlestown in South Carolina; some time before the Reverend Mr. Josiah Smith's Sermon (n.p., n.p., 1730), 2–3, 5, 31, 33.
81. On Smith's contention that Fisher's Presbytery sermon was altered for publication, see The Divine Right of Private Judgment Vindicated, 1–3. Fisher, , A Preservative from damnable Errors, 41–42, 51, 55, 59–61.
82. Ibid., 41–42, 51, 55, 59–61. Fisher maintained throughout that neither he nor any of the other Subscribers denied Smith's party the liberty to examine the Westminster Confession according to the Bible, let alone that he used the words “impose” or “imposition” in his Presbytery sermon on subscription. Never, Fisher said, did he argue “for People's pinning their faith upon other Men's sleeves,” as Smith charged.
83. Smith, , The Divine Right of Private Judgment Vindicated, 22–23, 30. The “Whispers of disaffected Persons” in his own congregation were addressed in No New Thing. Fisher's A Preservative from damnable Errors struck Cainhoy with a thunderclap, sending the church into a convulsion, with some absenting themselves from Communion in protest. “You ought to have been with Me, and seen, what I had to offer in my Defence, before you censur'd and left Me,” Smith admonished the congregation. “Some of you are verily Guilty concerning Me,” he added, “in that you have heard and been too much influenc'd by the Misrepresentation of my Principles, and conceal'd it from Me.” Having pontificated upon the history and causes of slander, and noting that Bassett and Porter had also refused to own the Westminster Confession, Smith launched into a lengthy apologia: Smith, , No New Thing, 14.
84. Josiah Smith to Benjamin Colman, 12 October 1730, quoted in Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:191.
85. Smith, , The Divine Right of Private Judgment Vindicated, 49.
86. Fisher, Hugh, The divine right of private Judgment, set in a true light: A Reply to the Reverend Mr. Josiah Smith's Answer, to a Postscript Annex'd to a Sermon … Together with, Remarks on the Reverend Mr. Nathan Bassett's Appendix (Boston: n.p., 1731), 99–100.
87. Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:201–6. Laypeople flexed their muscle in other ways, solidifying the breach between Subscribers and Nonsubscribers in some cases. See “Records of the Circular Church,” Charleston, South Carolina, quoted in ibid., 1:202. Will of Robert Ure [dated 1735], cited in ibid., 1:207,
88. Josiah Smith to Benjamin Colman, 7 November 1735, quoted in ibid., 1:206–7.
89. Howe, , History of the Presbyterian Church, 1:206; Smith, Josiah, A Sermon, Preached at Charlestown, South-Carolina, in the Year 1739, 2nd ed. (Charleston, S.C.: Robert Wells, 1773), 4, 23. See also, Smith, , A sermon deliver'd at Charles-town, in South Carolina: the Lord's Day after the funeral, and sacred to the memory of the Reverend Mr. Nathan Bassett, who exchang'd this for a better Life, June 26th 1738 (Boston: S. Kneeland and T. Green, 1739). The central issues involved in the subscription controversy were essentially the same in the Synod of Philadelphia, where Presbyterian ministers in the Delaware Valley called on those in northern New Jersey and on Long Island to subscribe to the Westminster Confession. See Alan, Heimert and Perry, Miller, ed., The Great Awakening: Documents Illustraiting the Crisis and Its Consequences (Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Berrill, 1967), xxiv–xxxv. There the “manifesto of the revival party, the most influential sermon of the Awakening and perhaps of the century,” became The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry (1740), Gibert Tennent's challenge to the authority of the ministry. Because of this and similar struggles, the Great Awakening escalated into a social, cultural, and intellectual upheaval. Before it had run its course, Americans had questioned religious taxes, the idea of an established church, and the morality of modern, market-oriented behavior, as well as clerical authority.
90. Meriwether, Robert L., The Expansion of South Carolina, 1729–1765 (Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern, 1949), 33–109.
92. French-speaking Reformed Protestants, mostly Swiss, gathered a congregation in Purrysburg in 1732; their minister, Swiss Reformed loseph Bugnion, received Anglican re-ordination in London before arriving in the colony: ibid., 40. A Presbyterian congregation was established in Williamsburg, and already by 1736 the “Irish Protestants” had secured the services of a Scotch-Irish minister, Robert Heron. Swiss and German Reformed clergymen, Bartholomew Zouberbuhier, Sr., and Christian Theus, began holding services in New Windsor and Saxe Gotha by the end of the decade. Lutheran and German Reformed congregations in Purrysburg and Orangeburg grew up in the 1730s around lay preachers. Brandenburg judge and physician John Frederick Holzendorf read “Postille” sermons to early German-speaking settlers at Purrysburg: Toggenburg goldsmith John Ulrich Giessendanner, a wayfaring Pietist who had dabbled in mystical Illuminism in Switzerland and Germany, was “called by the people” at Orangeburg to be their resident minister, his congregation consisting of “all kinds of religionists.” Across the colony to the east and north, Welsh Tract Baptists in Queensboro took cooperative action and founded the Welsh Neck Baptist Church in January 1738: ibid., 39–40, 57, 67, 84, 96; The South Carolina Synod of the Lutheran Church in America, History of the Lutheran Church in South Carolina, comp. Fritz, W. Richard (Columbia, S.C.: R. L. Bryan, 1971), 15–30.
93. Ibid., 11–31. W. Richard Fritz was responsible for researching and writing the South Carolina Synod's history of the Lutheran Church through 1803; Meriwether, , The Expansion of South Carolina, 33–76.
94. Faust, Albert B. and Brumbaugh, Gaius M., Lists of Swiss Emigrants in the Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies (Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical, 1968), quoted in ibid., 12.
95. “Testimony at hearings about John Giessendanner,” 1716, reprinted in Anderson, Hugh George, “The European Phase of J. U. Giessendanner's Life,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 67 (06 1966): 132.
96 “Fragment of Governor Tobler's Diary,” February 11, 1737–March 18, 1737, in “The John Tobler Manuscripts: An Account of German-Swiss Emigrants in South Carolina, 1737,” ed. Cordle, Charles G., Journal of Southern History 5 (February–November 1939): 87 (February 17, 1737).
98. Zouberbuhier not only suffered furious abuse on the trip over, but when he arrived at New Windsor other reform-minded clergy commented on his lack of “inner warmth and piety” in their correspondence with their colleagues back home, saying privately that his congregation seemed to be as “sheep without a shepherd”: Urlsperger, Samuel, Ausfuhrliche Nachi rich von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten, die sich in Amerika niedergelassen haben, 18 vols. (Halle: Verlegung des Waysenhauses, 1735–1752), 1:2350, 2385, quoted in Fritz, , comp., History of the Lutheran Church, 41–42. Similarly, Joseph Bugnion, a French-speaking Swiss minister who took Anglican orders before leaving London in 1732, was forced to abandon his ministry in Purrysburg in less than a year; he was no more popular in the low-country parish of St. James, Santee, where he was subsequently transferred. In 1735 he was dismissed at Alexander Garden's request. Bugnion's successor at Purrysburg, “a French student” and an understudy of the Anglican-Reformed minister, went the way of his mentor. The laity “chased him away,” charging him with living “a wicked life and of mixing in bad affairs.” A few months later, another re-ordained Swiss Reformed minister, Henry Chiffele, arrived. He was well liked and a vast improvement over Bugnion and his student, but despite his best efforts he simply did not “know the German language very well,” which put him at a distinct disadvantage in the cultural babble of Purrysburg. German-speaking Lutherans and Reformed preferred the services performed by a lay reader, John Frederick Holzendorf. They took their children to the Lutheran pastors across the Savannah River at Ebenezer to have them baptized, and they also went there to get married, Chiffele, “being unwilling and unable to marry them in the German language”: Unsperger, Ausfuhrliche Nachirich, 1:368, 1037, 2162, quoted in Hinke, William J., “The Origin of the Reformed Church in South Carolina,” Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society 3 (12, 1906): 369–71.
99. Fritz, , comp., History of the Lutheran Church, 46.
100. Prior to his leaving Lichtensteig, Switzerland for Marburg, in 1714, Giessendanner, now fifty-four years old, had spent time as an apprentice in Halle, Germany, the epicenter of Pietism. Early on he styled himself a religious “teacher,” facing opposition from both religious and secular officials who forced him to pay homage to the authority of an ordained ministry as well as admit that the new birth did not set men and women above other Christian adherents: Anderson, , “The European Phase of John Ulrich Giessendanner's Life,” 129–30. On the growth and spread of Pietism, see Brown, Dale W., Understanding Pietism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1978), 9–136.
101. John Giessendanner to Mr. Paravicini, 23 April 1737, reprinted in Anderson, , “The European Phase of John Ulrich Giessendanner's Life,” 135.
102. Quoted in Hinke, William J., Ministers of the Reformed Congregation in Pennsylvania and Other Colonies in the 18th Century (n.p.: n.p., 1951), 325. Copy available at the Lutheran Theological Seminary Library, Columbia, S.C.
103. Urlsperger, , Ausfuhrliche Nachirich, 1:2174, quoted in Hinke, , “The Origin of the Reformed Church in South Carolina,” 373.
104. Other clergymen were also active and influential. Swiss Reformed minister Christian Theus, brother of colonial South Carolina's most famous portrait painter, came to the colony as a theological candidate. He was ordained in 1739 and settled at Saxe-Gotha, where he ministered to the congregation of St. John's Congarees for over fifty years: Fritz, , comp., History of the Lutheran Church, 58–65. Down the road in Orangeburg, Theus's colleague, the elder John Giessendanner's nephew and namesake, John, was delivering bilingual sermons “to the Inexpressible satisfaction” of his German-Swiss, German, English, and French adherents. He, too, had arrived as a theology student and been ordained in 1739, his uncle having schooled him in theology and all except “Oriental languages.” Shortly thereafter, in 1741, English settlers from Amelia, “observing him to be a Man of Learning, Piety and Knowledge in the holy Scriptures, prevailed with him to officiate in preaching once Every fortnight in English, which he hath Since performed very articulate and Intelligible.” Moreover, “above four score of the Dutch [read Deutch] and English Inhabitants of Orangeburg and the adjoining plantations” signed a formal petition in 1744 after Bartholomew Zouberbuhler, Jr., “applied to the council of the Colony … to secure ordination from the Bishop of London” so that he might propagate “the word of God” in the township. Supporters of the younger Giessendanner were incensed. They claimed that Zouberbuhler, trained in the Orthodox Reformed tradition like his father, had been encouraged “by some wicked Persons, in one part of the Township” who wanted “to kick Mr. Giessendanner out of the church” because he publicly rebuked them for Sabbath-breaking as well as “Great Irregularitys, and disorders”: Journals of the Council and Upper House of Assembly, 1721–75, 38 vols., South Carolina Department of Archives and History, Columbia, S. C., vol. 9, March 6, 1744, 139–43.
105. Trachsler, Hans Wernhard, Kurtzverfasste Reiss-Beschreibung eines, neulich aus der in West-Indien gelegenen Landschaft Carolina, in sein Vaterland Zuruckgekommenen Lands-Angehorigen, sant Bericht von dieses Lands Art, Natur, and Eigenschaften (Zurich: Burklischer Druckerey gedruckt, 1738), quoted in ibid., 373; Rowe, Peter as quoted by Dibble, Samuel, marginal note in Bernheim, Gottfried Deilman, History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina (Philadelphia, Pa.: The Lutheran Bookstore, 1872), 113, Lutheran Theological Seminary Library, Columbia, S.C.
106. The story of the Ashiey River Baptists is somewhat unusual, however, because it is rather well documented–exceptionally so for these critical years. Their records, which commence in 1736 when they founded “a Branch of ye visible Church of Christ,” constitute the earliest comprehensive extant records of any Baptist church in the South; a literal quarry of information that can be mined profitably to explore the rise of evangelicalism in the colony. It is in them that one can discern most clearly the decided turn of events at this particular point in time. See “Records of the Ashley River Baptist Church, 1736–1769” (Nashville, Term: Southern Baptist Convention Historical Commission, n.d.), microfilm, May 24, 1736, frame 1. See also my co-edited manuscript with Kegley, Sarah E., “Records of the Ashiey River Baptist Church, 1736–1769,” Journal of the South Carolina Baptist Historical Society 27 (11 2001): 3–32. The manuscript records are now at Furman University, though, unless otherwise noted, all the following references are from a microfilm copy available from the Historical Commission, Southern Baptist Convention, Nashville, Tenn. (Publication Number 1090).
107. Edwards, Morgan, Materials Towards A History of the Baptists, ed. Weeks, Eve B. and Warren, Mary B., 2 vols. (Danielsville, Ga: Heritage Papers, 1984), 2:124–25. See also Sparks, Elder John, The Roots of Appalachian Christianity: The Life and Legacy of Elder Shubal Stearns (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), 6–12; and Gardner, Robert G., Baptists of Early America: A Statistical History, 1639–1790 (Atlanta: Georgia Baptist Historical Society, 1983), 14–63.
108. The five-points of Calvinism are unconditional election, limited (particular) atonement, total depravity, irresistible grace, and the final perseverance of the saints.
109. “Records of the Ashley River Baptist Church,” May 24, 1736, March 18, and June 17–18, 1738, frames 1, 6, and 9. The complex story of the various Baptist groups in British America, their theological orientation and relative numbers from place to place and over time, is told clearly and succinctly by Gardner, Robert G., Baptists of Early America, 14–63. See also Benedict, David, A General History of the Baptist Denomination in America, and other Parts of the World, 2 vols. (Boston: Lincoln and Edmonds, 1813), 2.
110. “Records of the Ashley River Baptist Church,” September 17–18 and December 12, 1737, frames 4 and 5. For Susannah Baker, see Francis Varnod's 1726 census of St. George's Parish, which is reprinted in Klingberg, , An Appraisal of the Negro, 58–60, and the analysis in Wood, , Black Majority, 159–66.
111. Townsend, , South Carolina Baptists, 34, n.
112. Edwards, , Materials, 126.
113. For a list of Chanler's publications, see Townsend, , South Carolina Baptists, 34, n.; and 282, n. Chanler attempted to institute the ritualistic “laying on of hands” at the Euhaw Baptist Church in St. Helena's Parish in 1746, “but the thing created disturbance,” and he “desisted from attempting to introduce the rite,” according to Edwards, Morgan in his Materials, 132.
114. See Noll, , Bebbington, , Rawlyk, , ed., “Introduction,” in Evangelicalism, 6.
115. “Records of the Ashley River Baptist Church,” December 12, 1737, frame 5; and June 9, 1740, frame 11.
116. Ibid., June 12, 1738, n.d., September 1742, frames 8, 19, 23, and passim.
117. Ibid., December 11, 1738, frame 9.
118. Ibid., September 10, 1739, frame 10. Will's case was the exception, not the rule. Over the next thirty years only one other member was purged from fellowship in an open, public ritual. What is more, Will was the sole black member disciplined, and the records of the Ashley River Baptist Church confirm the general observation that in southern biracial churches “blacks were not disciplined out of proportion to their numbers; on the whole, they were charged with infractions similar to those of whites; and they were held to the same moral expectations as whites”: Boles, John B., “Introduction,” in Masters and Slaves in the House of the Lord: Race and Religion in the American South, ed. Boles, (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1988), 13. See also, Isaac, , Transformation of Virginia, 168–72, 247, 264, 266; 185, 193, which should be read in the context of his “Discourse on Method”: ibid., 321–57.
119. See, for example, Mathews, , Religion in the Old South, 39–80; and Isaac, , Transformation of Virginia, 168–72, 247, 264, 266, 315, and passim. It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance of the current historiographical debate, as presently formulated, over whether individualism “caused” the rise of evangelicalism, in southern religious history: Isaac, ibid., 171, n., emphasizes “the ambivalence between communitarianism and individualism,” which he calls “the principle interpretive revision made to this chapter since its original publication as an article.”
120. (Philadelphia, Pa.: B. Franklin, 1740). Referring to the Stono Rebellion, a small pox epidemic in 1738, and an outbreak of yellow fever in 1739, Whitefield warned southern colonists, “God first generally corrects us with Whips; if that will not do, he must chastise us with Scorpions”: ibid., 16.
121. Heyrman, , Southern Cross, 23. In emphasizing the obstacles revivalists encountered in claiming “the soul of the South,” Heyrman recovers something of the time dimensions involved in the broader rise of southern evangelicalism.
122. Ibid., 9. Compare, for example, Mathews, , Religion in the Old South, 15; Isaac, , Transformation of Virginia, part 2; Bonomi, , Under the Cope of Heaven, 125; Hofstadter, , America at 1750, 204–65; Bridenbaugh, Carl, Myths and Realities: Societies of the Colonial South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1952), 96–97; Boles, , “Evangelical Protestantism in the Old South,” 14–15; and Greene, , “Search for Identity: An Interpretation of the Meaning of Selected Patterns of Social Response in Eighteenth-Century America,” Journal of Social History 3 (spring 1970): 200.
124. Evangelicalism was not monolithic; it changed from place to place. Still, evangelicalism can generally be described as “a fairly discrete network of Protestant Christian movements arising during the eighteenth century in Great Britain and its colonies.” It included “a consistent pattern of convictions and attitudes,” such as Biblicism, conversionism, activism, and crucicentrism: Noll, , Bebbington, , and Rawlyk, , Evangelicalism, 6. See also, 39.
125. See Heyrman, Southern Cross, Prologue; Isaac, Transformation of Virginia, part 2.