1. Formula of Concord. article four, Die Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch-Intherisohen Kirche. 6th ed. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Runrecht, 1967), pp. 786–790, 936–950Google Scholar; The Book of Conoord, ed. Theodore G. Tappert (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg, 1959), pp. 475–477, 551–558.Google Scholar

2. No biography of Major exists. The best overview of hi life is that of Kaweran, Gustav, Realencuklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1896–1913), 12:85–91.Google Scholar On Major's role in the controversies which followed the Smalcaldic War, see Peterson, Luther D., “The Philippist Theologians and the Interims of 1548; Soteriological, Ecclesiastical, and Liturgical Compromises and Controversies within German Lutheranism,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1974; and my dissertation. pp. 258–351.Google Scholar

3. lustini ex Trogo Pompeio historia, diligentissime recognita, et …repurgata … Adecta est Monarchiarum quoque ratio … (Hagenau: Secer, 1526).Google ScholarIn Magdeburg he produced a book of aphorisms, Sententiae veterum Poetarum in locos communes digestae (Magdeburg: Lotter, 1534)Google Scholar; and Quaestiones Rhetoricae ex libris M. Ciceronis, Quintiliani, et Philippi Melanch. (Magdeburg: Lotter, 1535),Google Scholar a textbook on rhetoric.

4. He prepared a biographical dictionary of the lives of the ancient fathers of the church, Vitae patrum in usum ministrorum, quo ad eius fieri potuit repurgatae, cum prae. fatione Martini Lutheri (Wittenberg: Seitz, 1544).Google Scholar

5. Kurtzer und warhafftiqer bricht, Von dem Colloquio: so in diesem xlvj. jar zu Regenspurg der Religion halben gehalten (Wittenberg: Rhan, 1546).Google Scholar This attack on the papacy continued after the period of compromise discussed below. e.g. see Major's, Trostschrift und Erinnerung von der waren und falschen Kirchen … (Witteuberg: Lufft, 1556).Google Scholar

6. Ewiger: Göttlicher Allmechtiger Maiestat Declaration Wider Kaiser Carl, König zu Hispanien etc. Vnd Bapst Paulum den dritten (Wittenberg, 1546).Google Scholar See Waldeck, Oskar, “Die Publizistik des Schmalkaldischen Krieges,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 7 (1909–1910), pp. 38, 45–48.Google Scholar

7. On Maurice's role in the Smalealdie War, see Jung, Hildegard, Kurfürst Moritz von Sachsen. Aufgabe und Hingabe. 32 Jahre deutscher Geschichte 1521–1553 (Hagen: Eigen-verlag der Verfässerin, 1966), pp. 85–167.Google Scholar

8. The text of the Leipzig Interim is printed in Melanchthon's, Opera, Corpus Reformatorum, eds. Bretschneider, C. G. and Bindseil, H. E. (Halle: Schwetschke 1834–1860), 7:258–264Google Scholar; see also cola. 48–62, 215–221. On the Leipzig Interim, see Peterson, , “The Philippist Theologians,” pp. 113–214Google Scholar; Sehling, Emil, Die Kirchengesetzgebung unter Morits von Bachsen 1544–1549 und von Georg von Anhalt (Leipzig: Deichert, 1899)Google Scholar; Herr-mann, Johann, “Augsburg - Leipzig - Passau. (Das Leipziger Interim nach Akten des Landeshauptarchivs Dresden 1547–1552),” dissertation, University of Leipzig 1962Google Scholar and Chalybaeus, Albert, Die Durchführitng des Leipziger Interims. (Chemnitz: Oehme, 1905).Google Scholar

9. On Flacius' reactions to the Interims, see Preger, Wilhelm, Matthias Flacius Illyrious und seine Zeit 2 vols (Erlangen: Blaesing 1859–1861), 1:38–204Google Scholar and vou Hase, Hans Christoph, Die Gestalt der Kirche Luthers. Der casus Confessionie im Kampf des Matthias Flacius gegen das Interim von 1548 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1940).Google Scholar On the Magdeburg resistance, see Olson, Oliver K., “Theology of Revolution: Magdeburg, 1550.1551,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 3, 1 (1972): 56–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. Letters between the two written between early 1548 and early 1549 are to be found in Walz, Otto, “Epistolae Reformatoren,” Zeitschrift für Kirchesgeschiehte 2 (1878): 170–173,Google Scholar and in Carl Eiclihorn, “Amsdorfiana aus dem Codex chartaceus Nr. 43 der Dorpater Univeritätsbibliothek,” Ibid., 22 (1901): 610–620, 634–639.

11. Das Doctor Pomer und Doctor Maior mit iren Adiaphoristen ergernis vnnd zurtrennung angericht Vnnd den Kirchen Christi vnüberwintlichen schaden gethan haben. Derhalben sie und nicht wir zu Magdeburg vom Teuff erwegt seint wie sie uns schrnehen und lester (Magdeburg, 1551),Google Scholar lvs. (A)v-(Biv)v.

12. Auff des Ehrenwirdigen Herren Niclas von Ambsdorff schrift, So itzundt neulich Mense Nouembri Anno 1551. wider Georgen Major œffentlich im Druck ausgegangen. Anwort Georg: Maior (Wittenberg: Rhau, 1552)Google Scholar, lvs. Cv-Cijr: “Das bekenne ich aber/das ich also vormala geleret/vnd noah lere/vnd fœrder alle meine lebtag also leren wilf/Das guts werek zur seligkeit nœtig sind/vud sage æffentlichen vnd mit klaren vnd deutlichen worten/das niemands durch bœse werck selig werde/vud das auch niemands one guts werek selig werde/vnd sage mehr/das wer anders leret/auch ein Engel vom Himel/der sey verflucht.”

13. In the Loci communes of 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, 21:429.Google Scholar Melanchthon did withdraw the phrasing after a controversy over its use involving one of his disciples, Caspar Cruciger. This dispute arose when a Wittenberg student, Conrad Cordatus, challenged the concept as presented by Cruciger in a lecture. See Greachat, Martin, Melanchthon neben Luther. Studien zur Gestalt der Rechtfertigungslchre zwiechen 1528 und 1537 (Witten: Luther-Verlag, 1965), pp. 217–230.Google Scholar Major was in Magdeburg during this dispute and thus not directly exposed to the discussion in Wittenberg.

14. Antwort, lf. Cij.

15. In his earliest formal comment on the Christian life Amsdorf had shown a preference for the theocentric expression, “fruits of faith,” rather than the term “good works,” which he apparently believed was too easily understood with the human being as subject; see his disputation of August 1522 in Kapp, Johann Erhard, Kleine Nachlese 2 vols. (Leipzig: Braun, 1727), 2:553–554.Google Scholar He did not avoid the term “good works” but explained it with Luther's illustration of the good tree which produces good fruit, as found in his treatise on Christian liberty of 1520, D. Martin Luthers Werke (Weimar: Böhlau, 1883-), 7:61,1 - 62, 36.Google Scholar The Majoristic controversy imposed upon Amsdorf the use of the term “good works,” but his theocentric conceptualization appears in the proposition he forged to combat “Majorism” rather late in the controversy: “good works are detrimental to salvation.” He explained his proposition with the condition “if one relies on them to save” in his Das die Propositio (Gute werek sind zur Beligkeit schedlich) ein rechte ware Christliche Propositio sey durch die heiligen Pauium vnd Lutherum gelert vnd geprediget of 1559.

16. On Melanehthon's concern for the maintenance of Evangelical discipline against antinomian interpretations of Luther's proclamation of Christian freedom, see Maurer, Wilhelm, Der junge Melanchthon zwischen Humanismus und Reformation 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1969), 479–480.Google ScholarMeyer's, Carl S. study, “Melanehthon's Visitation Articles of 1528,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 23 (1972): 309–322,CrossRefGoogle Scholar treats the humanistic concern for public virtue which motivated Melanchthon in the composition of the articles. On his dispute with Agricola, see Rogge, Joachim, Johann Agricolas Lutherverstdndnis (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1960), pp. 98–118.Google Scholar

17. See Amsdorf's, works listed in subsequent notes, and Flacius' Wider den Euangelisten des heiligen Chorrocks, D. Geitz Maior (“BaselGoogle Scholar,” [false imprint for Magdeburg] 1552), e.g. lvs. (Biv), C-Cij; and other works of Flacius in subsequent notes. Major's position is best summarized in his Ein Sermon von S. Pauli vnd aller Gottfürchtigen menschen bekerung zu Gott (Leipzig: Günther, 1553),Google Scholar e.g. lvs. Aij, Cv, O/v-Oiijv, (Yiv)r.

18. Ibid., lvs. Pv-(Piv)v.

19. Preger, , Matihias Flacius Illyricus und seine Zeit, 1:358,Google Scholar cites evidence for Major's opposition to and discomfort with the Leipzig Interim.

20. E.g., in a letter to Matthias Wankel, pastor in Halle, January 11, 1549, Corpus Reformatorum, 7:297–299,Google Scholar and in his several tracts printed during this period.

21. Antwort, iva. Br-Bijr; see also note 31. Sehling mentions his presence at the meeting at Altzella, p. 94. The text of the statement composed at this meeting is found in Corpus Reformatorum, 7:198–207.Google Scholar

22. See note 20.

23. Peucer, Caspar, Traetatus Historicus…Philip Melanthonis Sententia, De Controversia Coena Domini (Amberg: Forster, 1596), p. 38.Google Scholar

24. Ein kurtzer unterricht auff D. Georgen Majors Antwort, das er nit beschucidig sey, wie er sich tragice rhuemet (“Basel,” [Magdeburg] 1552), lf. Aij.Google Scholar

25. Flacius', Wider den Euangelisten … Major (n. 17),Google Scholar and Gailus', Auff des Herrn D. Maiors verantwortung und Declaration der Leiptsigischcn Proposition, wie gute werck sur seligkeit nötig sind, zum zeugnis seiner unschuit, das er mit der Leipteigischer handlung nichts zu thun habe. Antwort (“Basel,” [Magdebnrg] 1552).Google Scholar

26. Ein Sermon von S. Pauli … Bekerung (n. 17), lvs. Aiijv, Biijr, Miij-(Miv), Nv-Nijr, Rijv-(Siv)v.

27. Gallus', Auff die news subtile verfelschung der Euangelij Christi in Doctor Majors Comment vber seine Antichristische Proposition damit er leret Das vnnd wie gute werck zur seligkeit ndtig sein sollen. Erkierung vnd antwort (Magdeburg: Lotter, 1553)Google Scholar; Flacius' Eine Kurtze Antwort I 1. auff das lange Comment D. Ge. von guten wercken (n.d.); Bententia Ministrorvm Christi in Ecclesia Lubecensi, Hamburgensi, Luneburgensi & Magdeburgensi, de corruptelis doctrinae iustificationis, quibus D. Georg. Major adserit, Bona opera esse necessaria ad salutem. Neminem unquam saluatum esse sine bonis operibus. Impossibile esse quenquam sine bonis operibus saluari (Magdeburg, 1553); and Bedeneken das diese Proposition oder Lere nicht nütz noch war sey vnnd one ergernis in der Kirchen nicht möge geleret werden. Das gute werck zur seligkeit nötig sind. Vnd vnmuglich sey one gute werck selig werden. Gestellet durch die Prediger zu Mansfelt Vnnd vnterschrieben von andern Predigern derselben Herrschafft (Magdeburg: Lotter, 1553).

28. Vnterschreibung des Herrn Niclas Amsdorffs der Sechsischen kirchen Censurn vnd meinung wider Doctor Georg Maiors Antichristische lere von guten wercken als zur seligiceit nötig (Magdeburg: Rödinger, 1553).Google Scholar

29. The standard biography of Menius remains Schmidt, Gustav Lebrecht, Justus Menius, der Reformator Thüringens, 2 vols. (Gotha: Perthes, 1867).Google Scholar Menius' position is treated by Horst, Alvin H., “The Theology of Justus Menius,” dissertation, Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, 1973; see esp. pp. 239–267.Google Scholar

30. Cf. note 13. See a memorandum dated January 13, 1555, Corpus Reformatorum, 8:411–412,Google Scholar for Melanchthon's disavowal; cf. similar statements in December 1557 and March 1558, 9:405–408 and 474–475. See Melanchthon's letter to Flacius, dated November 5, 1556, for his own account of his continuing advice to Major, 8:842.

31. In a letter dated November 18, 1551, in Schumacher, Andreas, Gelehrter Männer Briefe an die Kœnige in Dannemark, von Jahr 1522 bis 1663. 2. Theil (1545–1582) (Copenhagen and Leipzig: Pelt, 1758), p. 161.Google Scholar

32. Ibid., p. 181, a letter from January 22, 1553.

33. See note 12.

34. Schumacher, , Gelehrter Männer, p. 197.Google Scholar In a letter from October 4, 1555, Major wrote of the proposition, “good works are necessary for salvation:”“Was die proposition belanget, habe ich derselben Wort mein Leben lang weder in Schrifften noch in predigen oder praelectionibus gebraucht, welches mir meine Auditores Zeugnis geben werden. do awer etliche andere der Vnsern soiche Wort in offentliehen gedruckten schrifften doch in rechten Verstand gebraucht, vnd mir volgend durch den Herrn Amsdorff aufferlegt, als solte ich alsso leren vnd diesser Wort gebrauchen, habe ich mich verantwortet das diese Wort vnd Proposition in rechtem Verstand nieht vnrecht wäre, awer nie nicht darauff gedrungen, dns man eben dieser Wort solte gebrauchen…” In a later letter, April 1, 1558, Major states that he had never used the proposition “in solchem Verstand” as was attributed to him (Schumacher, p. 224), but the letter of October 4, 1555, does not qualify his use of the proposition in this way.

35. E.g. in Amsdorf's, Offentliche Bekentnis der reinen lere des Euangelij Vnd Confutatio der jtzigen Schwermer (Jena: Rewart, 1558),Google Scholar lvs. Dijr-(Div)r; Flacius', Bekandnus von etlichen Irrthumen Majoris (1557)Google Scholar; Gallus', Von Irthumen und Secten Theses und Hypotheses (Regensburg: Geissler, 1557),Google Scholar lvs. (Eiv) r-Fr. In addition, attacks on Menius mentioned Major critically.

36. Bekentnis D. Georgij Maioris von dem Artickel der lustification, Jag ist, von der Lere das der Mensch alicia durch Glauben on alle verdienst vinb des Hcrrn Christs wilen vargebung der Suenden habe vnd fur Gott gerecht vnd Erbe ewiger seligkeit sey, Vad von guten wercken iveiche dem warhafftigen Glauben als fruechte der gerechtigkiet folgen sollen (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1558), published also in Latin, : Confessio D. Georgii Maioris, De Articulo lustificationis … (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1558).Google Scholar In the Bekentnis, see esp. lvs. Aijv-Aiiijv, Br, and Biijr. Major reviewed Amsdorf 's attack upon him and his statement of defense in his Antwort. He did not, of course, cite his strong statement quoted in note 12 but another passage, on lf. Ciijr of the Antwort, as the defining or summary statement of his position in that tract: “…ob sie wol zur seligkeit von wegen des schueldigen gehorsams gegen Gott noetig sein/so sind sie dennoch nicht der verdienst/ von welehs wegen wir vergebung der sunden/gerechtigkeit/heiligen Geist vnd ewiges Leben haben/Denn diese gueter hat vns allein Christus durch sein heilig leiden vnd sterben verdienet/welche wir allein durch den glauben empfahen…”

37. E.g., “Majorism” was condemned by the Book of Confutation of Errors issued by the government of the dukes of Thuringia,… solida & ex Verbo Dei sumpta Confutatio & condemnatio praecipuarum Corruptelarum, Sectorum, & errorum (Jena: Rebart, 1559), lvs. 42–47.Google Scholar His position continued to be one of the standards among those condemned by the Gnesio-Lutherans, e.g. in Gallus', Wxcherstimme (Regensburg: Geissler, c. 1560).Google Scholar Flacius attacked Major also for his synergism, which he found expressed in a sermon in which Major had also attacked Flacius; I have used the second edition of Major's, Secundus tomus operum …Homiliae in epistolas dierum Dominicorum & festorum (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1569), lvs. 231–237.Google Scholarreplied, Flacius, Dispvtatio de Originali Peccato et Libero Arbitrio, inter Matthiam Flacium Illyricum &Victorinum Strigelium mldr; (Eisleben, 1563), pp. 356–362.Google Scholar Wolfgang Waidner, Gallus' colleague in Regensburg, offered a critique of the companion volume by Major on Gospel lessons, criticizing its doctrine (particularly its defense of the concept of the necessity of good works for salvation) and its attacks on Gnesio-Lutherans, , Verzeichnis, Der Beschwerlichen Puncten in D. Georg Maiors Vorrede Vber die newe Postill der Sontag Evangelien … (Regensburg: Geissler, 1562).Google Scholar During this period Major also was attacked by Gallus, , Pia et Necessaria Admonitio de Cavendis Crassis, et Plusquam Papisticis Erroribus Georg Maiorig … (Regensburg: Geissler, 1562),Google Scholar and by Tileman Heshus, who had received his doctorate from Major at Wittenberg in 1553 and who a decade later denounced Major in his Antwort auff der Lügenprediger… Apologia (1564),Google Scholar lf. Eij.

A contrasting sidelight to the controversy from this period is the personal visit which Major paid to the aged Amsdorf at his home in Eisenach in 1564, the year before Amsdorf's death. Major wrote to ask Amsdurf if he might visit while Major was at the home of his daughter in Eisenaeh; the letter, dated October 8, 1563, is found in Friedenburg, Walter, “Ein Brief Georg Majors an Nikolaus von Amsdorff 1563,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 21 (1924): 254–255.Google Scholar Amsdorf consented, and the visit took place sometime in the summer of 1564. Amsdorf reported to friends that they did not discuss theology, as a letter from Cyriakus Spaugenberg, August 22, 1564, attests: Heinrich, Rembe, Der Briefwechsel des M. Cyriacus Spangenberg (Dresden: Naumann, 1887), 1:8.Google Scholar

38. Repititio: Widerholung und endliche Erklerung der Bekentnis D. Georgij Maioris Von dem Artickel der Justification … Vnd von Guten Wercken (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1567).Google Scholar The Bekentnis is reprinted along with an introduction and conclusion, in which Major repeats anew his explanation of his position and accuses his opponents of not seeking a solution to the controversy. He expresses his regret for the troubles caused his government on lf. (Aiv)r. Waldner, offered his critique, Klare und gründliche beweisung. Wider D. G. Maiors Repetition. Das er mit seiner Erklerung der bæbstischen Proposition (Gute Werck sind nætig zur seligiceit ec.) in der Kirchen noch schaden thu, Vnd den Artickel unser Rechtfertigung warhafftig verfelsche (Regensburg: Geissler, 1568).Google Scholar Gallus wrote this tract's conclusion.

As one of its first acts under the superintendency of Martin Chemnitz, the ministerium of the city of Braunschweig issued its critique of Major's, Repetitio: Christlichs Bedencken des Ministerii der Kirchen zu Brauaschweig auff D. Majors Repetition und endtliche erklerung belangend den streit, ob gute werck zur Seligkeit nötig (1568).Google Scholar

At the colloquy of Altenburg, held between August 1568 and March 1569, Major's colleagues from electoral Saxony talked with representatives from ducal Saxony, led by Johann Wigand, and “Majorism” was one of the chief topics under discussion. References to it are found throughout the electoral Saxon account of the colloquy, Acta colloquii Aldeburgensis, bona fide, absque omni adiectione, ex originali descripta (Leipzig: Vögelin, 1570;Google Scholar also in German) and the ducal Saxon critique of that account, Bericht vom Colloquio zu Altenbairgk. Auff den endlichen Bericht (Jena, 1570).Google Scholar

39. “Commonefactio Historica de Statu eius temporis …. cui inserta est breuiter Confessio postrema Doctoris Georgij Maioris, de doctrina iustificationis & bonorum operum, abeodem recitata, cum abiret Magistratu scholastico, die 18. Octob. Anno 1567,” Primus Tomus operum (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1569), pp. 1119–1205.Google Scholar

40. Testamentvm Doctoris Georgii Maioris (Wittenberg: Lufft, 1570),Google Scholar lvs. Aij.Bij. The Jena theological faculty issued an analysis of this tract, Vom Testament D. Majors, Christliche unnd in Gottes Wort gegruendte Erinnerung (Jena: Richtzenhan, 1570).Google Scholar

41. Testamentum, lvs. Biijv.(Biv)r.