1. The Harvest of Medieval Theology (rev. ed.; Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1967), pp. 373–374, esp. p. 374Google Scholar n. 38. Oberman identifies Ambrosius as an exponent of what he calls “Tradition II”, or the idea that alongside the authority of scripture there is a “complementary unwritten tradition … transmitted through the apostles and their successors” (p. 366). In a letter to this writer dated May 5, 1969, Dr. Oberman elaborated on the value of studying these medieval preachers and indicated his interest in Ambrosius' doctrine of Justification: “… he is an extremely intriguing man and … it is our task to investigate much more seriously the history of preaching in a period in which we have hitherto too often restricted ourselves to the classic representatives of university teaching. The sermons as a link between the universities and daily parish life are eminent ways and doors through which we can enter into this period, a period which is still open to so much misinterpretation. As you have noticed from the number of editions which appeared immediately after the sermons were given, a great interest was shown at many places in Europe. “I myself was not only intrigued by the relation of scripture and tradition according to Ambrosius—the point at which he appeared in my Harvest—but also by his doctrine of justification.” In the first edition of Harvest (1963), Oberman erroneously classified Ambrosius as a Carmelite. This “irritating error”, as Oberman says, was corrected in the revised edition (1967). The background for this error is historical, and will be examined below. Oberman can hardly be faulted for being misled in the first edition and must be commended for being able to correct the error in the revision. A good example of the study of medieval sermons is given by one of Oberman's students, Douglass, E. Jane Dempsey: Justification in Late Medieval Preaching: A Study of John Geiler of Keiserberg (Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1966).Google Scholar

2. Preaching in Medieval England (Cambridge: The University Press, 1926), p. 147.Google Scholar

3. Ibid., n. 2. Ambrosius is mentioned in this note as an example of the Quadragesimale genre.

4. The only order that is evident is that the sermons for Saturdays deal with Mary, in harmony with medieval practice (Saturday being a day commonly devoted to the Virgin) and with the Marian orientation of the Order of the Servants of Mary, to which Ambrosius belonged.

5. Quadragesimale, 28; compare n. 41, below.

6. Ibid., incipit and prologue.

7. Ibid., 17, 2, 2, 2. “Et immo vulgariter dici solet: La mala compagnia fa fiachar ci collo.” (The question is whether it is necessary to remain in the company of bad men in order to show them acts of love.)

8. Gianius, Archangelo, Annalium sacri ordinis fratrum servorum B. Mariae Virginis a suae institutionis exordis centuriae quatuor, second edition with notes by Garbi, Aloysius (Lucae, 1719), 1:489ff.Google Scholar The Annalium is the basic source for information about Ambrosius. Most secondary materials follow this information. Giani was a seventeenth-century master of theology in the University of Florence. His work was edited, noted, and in some places corrected by another Florentine, Garbi, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Garbi was a professor at Florence, and a prior of the Servite province of Etruria. The subsequent references to the Annalium will be to this Giani-Garbi edition. While most secondary sources depend heavily on the Annalium, Giovanni Pollicini has made some important additions to this body of knowledge on the basis of various MSS which he has researched in Italy. His dissertation on Ambrosius “Il Mo Ambrogio Spiera, O. S. M. Tarvisino, 1413–1455; notizie biografiche, sua attivita teologica” (Pontifica Universitas Gregoriana, 1942), has been reproduced in journal form as “II Mc Ambrosio Spiera tarv. (1413–1455),” Studi Storici sull' Ordine dei Servi di Maria 4 (1942): 5–77.Google Scholar I will refer to this journal article throughout this essay.

9. Compare Oberman, pp. 373–314.

10. Pollicini, p. 7, identifies Ambrosius' father as “Bartlomeo Spiera di Antonio de Corneledo.”

11. Giani (Annalium, 1: 490 n. 5) says that this edition was printed ca. 1477 by “Leonardus Spiera eius affinis.” This is an error. The edition was done in 1476 by Vindelinus de Spira. Compare Philippus Tozzi, De scriptoribus ordinis (a list of Servite authors compiled Ca. 1768–1769), at th reference to “SPIERA, Ambrosius, tarvisinus”: “per Windelinus [sic] de Spira.” What is apparently a later note to Tozzi's work also corrects the Annalium: “Typographus est Vindelinus, non Leonardus; do Spira, non Spiera; germnnus, non tarvisinus; non affinus neque Spierae.” (The information from Tozzi, along with much other valuable information and aid, was graciously supplied by the Reverend Conrad M. Borntrager, of Our Lady of Sorrows Basilica, Chicago, Illinois, who furnished this writer with a typed copy of the references to Ambrosius in Tozzi.) Pollicini, p. 50 n. 1, investigates the origin of the insertion of “Leonardus.”

12. Annalium, 1:489.

13. On this point several sources should be mentioned, although they were unavailable to this writer: Serena, A., La cultura umanistica a Treviso nei sec. XIV–XV (Venice, 1912).Google Scholar According to Pollicini, p. 7 n. 1, references to Bartolomeo are made on pp. 62–64 of this work, and to Ambrosius on pp. 76–78. In the same place Pollicini also mentions two monographs by Marchesan, A.: L'Universita di Treviso nei sec. XIII XIV (Treviso, 1892)Google Scholar and Treviso Medioevale (Treviso, 1924).Google Scholar

14. Bernardi, Valentino, Ambrogio Spiera (Venice, 1929), p. 6.Google Scholar

15. Maffei, R., De viris illustribus Servorum (Codex Carth, 1580,Google Scholar C. 8., in Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, dated 1557), cited in Poka, Alexius M., “Doctrina Mariana in Sermonibus A. Spiera,” Marianum 4 (1942): 36.Google Scholar

The Serites had been active at the church of St. Catherine in Treviso since 1346 (Bernardi, p. 6; compare Garbi's notes, Annalium, 1:492).

16. Annalium, 1:490.

17. Ibid., “Ambrosius singulari et morum sanctitate incomparabili vitam degebat.”

18. Poka, p. 36 and note 10: “Novitiatus anno feliciter superato, studwrum causa Perusiazm mittitur, ubi probabiiter usque ad ordinationem sacerdotalem remansit.” In the footnote, Poka referos to a codex of a work by Franciseus de Mayronis in the monastery of St. Jacobus Fulgineus (in Perugia?) copied by Ambrosius: “Explicit tractatus iste Francisci de Mayronis … scriptum per me fr. Ambrosium a Tarvisio ordinis servorum in studio perusiensi.” (Pollicini, p. 10, cites the same source for this information.) Pollicini also tells of an episode at the academy at Perugia of which Ambrosius says, “hoe vidi ego personaliter” (ibid).

19. Quadragesimale, 16, 1, 1, 1. “cum quo dci laudes sepe locutus sum et pluries comedi in insula pelusini [sic] The laci.” he lake is evidently Lake Trasimeno, near Perugia.

20. Ibid. (Basel edition, 1516), f. 130: “… quod ego propris oculis vidi, dum tempore comitia Francisci Saxum Ferratum in Provincia Marchie fuit saccomanatum …” Cited In Pollicini, p. 11 n. 4.

21. Ibid., p. 11.

22. Quadragesirmale, 6, 3, 1, 1.

23. Pollicini, p. 11 n. 5. Known as Ambrosius' Conciones, these can be found in codex 1057 in the Biblioteca Communale, Treviso.

24. Ibid., p. 11.

25. Brotto, and Zonta, , Acta Graduum Academicorum (Padova, 1922), p. 334 a. 1634,Google Scholar cited in Pollicini, p. 15 n. 1

26. Brotto and Zonta, p. 373 n. 1870. quoted by Pollicini, p. 18.

27. Poka, p. 37 and n. 20.

28. Pollicini, p. 19.

29. Sermones de Adventu Domini (Bononiae, 1501) fol. 10^r, cited in Pollicini, p. 19.Google Scholar “… hoc declaratur in secundo sententiarum quem superioribus diebus edidmus.”

30. ibid., p. 37 and n. 21, “Anno 1449, in capitulo generali Faventinae celebrato, Procurator Generalis Ordinis apud Romanum Curiam electus est, in quo officio usque ad mortem remansit.”

31. Manuale di Storia dell Ordine Serve di Maria MCCXXXIII-MCMLIV (Roma, 1956), p. 798.Google Scholar

32. Ibid., n. 14.

33. Pollicini, p. 22 and notes.

34. Quadragesimale, 12, 1, 3, 1, “… hoc ego heu infelix expertus sum anno Domini 1452. Sit Benedictus Deus.” The 1476 edition reads 1451, not 1452. In this it is joined by codex adpha-o. 8–17 (1454), MS of the Biblioteca Estense at Modena, as reported by Pollicini, p. 22 n. 4. This suggests that the Venice edition of 1476 might be dependent on the Modena MS. All other printed editions apparently read 1452. Of course, it is possible that 1451 might be the correct date.

35. Poka, p. 37, “Romae, praeter officia sua Proeuratoris, duobus annis, 1453 et 1454, luculenter et virorum eximioruni plausu, conciones Quadragesimales in ecciesia S. Marceui habuit.”

36. Annalium, 1:490, “cius orationes in Vaticana biblioteca ad Nicolaum quintum.”

37. Ibid., “… nupor has orationes F. Greg. Alasia reperiit in Ribl. Vat.”, and Garbi's note 5. Gregory Alasia was the Servite author of a work titled Adnotationes ad II um volumen “Annalium,” which Poka, p. 32, cites in his biblography as being in the general archives of the order. The reference to Ambrosius is recorded in chapter 22 r-t. The date of Alasia's work is uncertain, though it was obvionsly prior to 1719, when Garbi's edition of the Annalium appeared.

38. Pollicini, p. 41.

39. Adamarius' work is given in Monumenta Ordinis Servorum B. V. M. (20 vols.; Brussels, 1897–1930), 14: 11 ff.Google Scholar The citation is on p. 49.

40. The rule is embodied in the Treviso codex 1057 (folios 322^r.325^v) and is in Italian. Compare Saurez, Pedro M. and Montagna, David M., “Antiche fraternita femminili dei Servi nella regione vencta,” Moniales Ordinis Servorum 4 (1960): 12–25.Google Scholar The Reverend Conrad Borutrager brought this article to my attention.

41. Cited in Pollicini, p. 24 n. 1.

42. Ibid., “Taddeo Garganelli si incorporo nel collegio dei theologi l'an. 1455 … quest'anuo 1455 morto il Procur. Gen. Ambrogio Spiera.”

43. Ibid.

44. D. O. M/Ambrosio Spiera/C. Tar. Sacrae Theol. Mag. Ord. Serv./fratri concionatoriq. eminentiss. qui claruit circiter/ann. sal. MCCCL Romae et ubiq. loc. conspicuus cuius/ magna op. typis exposita a paucis nime habita ab omnibus/desiderantur una cum scriptis aliis iterum imprimenda/Mag. Joseph Policreti C. T. eiusdom Ord. fr. tanti f. gloriae/ studiosus hoc. mon. p. a. MDCXII.

45. Landrofilus, Ph., De Origine et Nailitate Religionis Servorum, in Mon. Ord. Serv., 14:94 ff.Google Scholar

46. Quoted in Bernardi, p. 12 “Magistri Ambrosii Spiera Tarvisini, ordinis Carmelitarum: sacrae theosopiae doctoris omnium consensu facile doctissuni liber sermonum quadrage. simalium de floribus sapientiae non minoris sails quam utiitatis. [Emphasis mine.] It is perhaps somewhat harsh to accuse the Carmelites of attempting to “kidnap” Ambrosius' reputation. It is possible that an honest mistake was made by the printer. On the other hand, since this edition was certainly copied from an earlier edition in which Ambrosius would have been correctly identified, there is some room for speculation about the “accidental” nature of the mistake. Also, the Carmelites pressed their claim for some time. Bernardi, p. 13, points out that while the identification of Ambrosius as a Carmelite is made on the frontispiece, he is correctly identified in the incipit.

47. Annalium, 1:490.

48. Bernardi, p. 12: “Dell ‘ordine de’ Carmelitani Ambrogio Spiora!”

49. Oberman, p. 374 n. 38. In a letter to the writer of this essay Dr. Oberman remarked, “I am glad you used my paperback edition, since there I was able to remove an irritating error according to which I had classified him as Carmelite” (May 5. 1969).

50. Zedler, Johann Hcinrich, Grosses Vollständiges Universal-Lexicon (Leinzig and Halle 1743), XXXVIII.Google Scholar col. 1639: “SPIERA, (Ambrosius) cin Carmeliter Möch von Trevigo, lebte zu Ende des 15 Jahrhudert und gab ein Quadragesimale zu Venedig 1485 in 4 [quarto] heraus, so hernach unter dem Titel: sermones ouadrncesimale zu Basel 1510 Fol. wioder aufgclegt worden. Sonst ist dieser von seinem Lehr-Sätzen ins besondere anzumereken, nach welchen er vorgegeben, dass man sieben Wege babe in den Himmel zukommen. Unschuld. Nachricht 1722 [apparently the source of information].” The “seven ways to heaven” mentioned as part of Ambrosius' teaching is somewhat obscure. This writer has not found a reference to such a teaching in the Quadragesimale.

51. Allegre, M., Paradisus Ordinis Carmelitarum (Lugduni, 1639), p. 371.Google Scholar Compare Pollicini, p. 24 n. 1. This is the author who puts Ambrosius' death in 1495.

52. Information on the Servite order can be found in Rossi (n. 31) and in the encyclopedias: Roschini, Gabricle M., “Servi di Maria,” Encyclopedia Italiana (Romo, 1949). 31: 467Google Scholar; Griffin, Patrick J., “Servites, order of,” The Catholic Encyclopedia. 13: 736–737Google Scholar; Ryska, J. M., “Servites,” New Catholic Encyclopedia, 13:131–135Google Scholar and Taucci, R.. “Servites, Ordre des,” Dictionnairc de Théologie Catholique, 14, 2: col. 1982–1987.Google Scholar Ryska warns that the mission work of the order in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries has sometimes been exaggerated by Renaissance chroniclers. Indeed, as in most religious orders in recent years, more careful historical work and revision is being done on the origins and developments of the order. That has often been painful, and pioneers of such work (as Taucci, for the Servites) have not always been welcomed. Once again, this writer is indebted to the Reverend Conrad Borntrager, for providing perspective and recent information on the Servite order. A. Rossi in addition to his Manuale, also wrote the article in the Lexicon für Theologie und Kirche, (3d ed.), 9:694–695,Google Scholar where he was apparently limited in space. He did not mention Ambrosius among the “bedeutende Theologen” of the order, although Ambrosius is treated much more generously in his Manuale.

53. The encyclopedia literature, especially Taucci, is helpful here. Rossi's Manuale is also useful.

54. The life and work of this man have been investigated by Ermatinger, C. J., “Urbanus Averroista and Some Early Fourteenth Century Philosophers,” Manuscripta 11 (1967): 3–38,CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. Vol. 14. 2, col. 1896, “Comme presque tous les ćcrivains de l'ordre aux xv^e et xvi^e siècles, il [Ambrosius] incline ordinairement en favcur de la doctrine de Scot.”

56. Dr. Oberman, p. 374, was again misled, apparently by Zedler's Universal-Lexicon, into believing that the 1485 editioa was the first.

57. Pollicini, p. 53 and n. 2.

58. Ibid., n. 4. In this place It should also be added that the 1477 edition reported by Giani in the Annalium is also a mistake. There was apparently a confusion with the edition of 1476. Compare note 11 supra.

59. The distinction and examples are given by Blench, J. W., Preaching in England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964),Google Scholar chapter 2.

60. Ibid. One of the sources for this model was Quintillian, Institutio Oratoriae 1. 3, e. 7. Compare Caplan, H., “Classical Rhetoric and the Medieval Theory of Preaching,” Classical Philology 28 (1933): 73–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar

61. This is a partial list of the authorities quoted by Ambrosius; Thomas Aquinas, Duns Soctus, Bonaventure, Augustine, Hugh of St. Victor, Aristotle, Averroes, Seneca, Cicero, Isidore of Seville, Peter Lombard, John Chrysostom, John Damascene, Boethius, Richard (of St. Victor!), Remigius of Auxerre, Nicholas of Lyra, Ambrose of Milan, Gregory the Great, Gratian Prosper of Aquitaine, Alexander of Hales, Albertus Manus, PseudoDionysius, Jerome, Anselm of Canterbury, Cyprian, Henry of Ghent, Franciscus de Mayronis, John Andreas, William of Champeaux,. Alanus de Insulis, Bernardine of Siena, Bernard of Clairvaux.

62. Quadragesimale, 1, 1, 1, 3 et passim.

63. Ibid., 10, 3, 2, 1.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., 15, 1, 1, 3.

66. Ibid., 10, 1, 1, 1–2.

67. ibid.