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The “Shekou Storm”: Changes in the Mentality of Chinese Youth Prior to Tiananmen*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
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In 1988, a year before the greatest urban mass protest in modern Chinese history, three major events took place in the cultural, ideological and theoretical realms. One was the broadcasting of the TV series River Elegy (Heshang) in June and the extensive discussions and disputes about it in July and August. The second was the controversy over the political theory of Neo-Authoritarianism, which started in the second half of 1988 and reached a peak in early 1989. The third event was the so-called Shekou Storm (Shekou fengbo) that began in February 1988 and lasted more than eight months. While River Elegy was the high tide of cultural reflection (wenhua fansi) which aimed at examining the cultural and historical roots of current socio-political problems, the Neo-Authoritarianism was a theoretical trend among some young social scientists and members of Communist Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang's think-tanks who were struggling to address pressing issues arising from the reform. The significance of these two events has been realized by many people studying the evolution of Chinese society in the 1980s and the background of the 1989 movement. In contrast, the Shekou Storm, which made an equivalent sensation throughout the country, has received much less attention.
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References
1. Rosen, Stanley describes the event briefly in his “Political education and student response: some background factors behind the 1989 Beijing demonstrations,” Issues and Studies, Vol. 25, No. 10 (October 1989), pp. 36–37Google Scholar, and “Youth and students in China before and after Tiananmen,” in Yang, Winston L. Y. and Wagner, Marsha L. (eds.), Tiananmen: China's Struggle for Democracy, Its Prelude, Development, Aftermath, and Impact (College Park: University of Maryland, School of Law, 1990), pp. 211–12.Google Scholar
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5. Renmin ribao editorial note, 8 August 1988, p. 3.
6. The disillusionment and perplexity of youths were clearly shown in a letter from Pan Xiao, a pseudonym of two youths, to the editors of China Youth. The letter appeared in the March 1980 issue of the magazine, which initiated a great discussion on the meaning of life from May 1980 to March 1981. For the “Pan Xiao discussion,” see Ownby, David, “The audience: growing alienation among Chinese youths,” in Carol Lee, Hamrin and Timothy, Cheek (eds.), China's Establishment Intellectuals (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1986), pp. 212–246.Google Scholar
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30. As Broaded says, after a brief window of opportunity in 1977–79 for students (of the third generation) who had been denied an earlier opportunity to attend university, “the educational authorities reduced the size of the recruitment pool by tightening age restrictions, so that only recent middle school graduates could sit for the entrance exams.” The great majority admitted to colleges in 1980 came directly from high schools. Broaded, “The lost and found generation,” p. 87. Also see Lizhi, Chen, “Disidai daxuesheng jiazhiguan zouxiang qianxi” (“A shallow analysis of the value orientation of the college students of the fourth generation”), Qingnian yanjiu. No. 8 (August 1990), p. 17Google Scholar; and Dian, Yu, “Dangdai Zhongguo qingnian zhishifenzi de daicha” (“The generation discrepancy of today's young intellectuals of China”), Qingnian yanjiu. No. 2 (February 1988), p. 46.Google Scholar
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39. Ma Licheng, The Shekou Storm, pp. 233–34.
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47. Zeng Xianbin, “Questions and answers,” p. 1.
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49. Xin Wenbu, “Why stir up the Shekou Storm,” p. 4.
50. Ibid.
51. Qu Xiao, “Qu Xiao on the Shekou Storm,” pp. 11–12.
52. Renmin ribao editorial note, 8 August 1988, p. 3.
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55. The editorial of People's Daily on 25 June 1993, reiterating what Jiang Zemin, the General Secretary of the Party, set forth in Shanghai in November 1992. According to Jiang, these three “isms” should be used to resist the flagging of the senses of responsibility and morality spreading in the society (Renmin ribao, 25 June 1993, p. 1).
56. Liu Binjie, “Thoughts from the Shekou Storm,” p. 3.
57. Qu Xiao, “Qu Xiao on the Shekou Storm,” p. 12.
58. Renmin ribao editorial note, 14 September 1988, p. 3.
59. Qu Xiao, “Qu Xiao on the Shekou Storm,” p. 12.
60. It might be Zhao Ziyang who first used the phrase “gaizao sixiang zhengzhi gongzuo” (“reform ideological-political work”). See Xin Wenbu, “Why stir up the Shekou Storm,” p. 4.
61. Su Zhenshuang et ai, “The Shekou shock wave.”
62. Xiandai hanyu cidian (Modem Chinese Dictionary) (Beijing: Shangwu chubanshe, 1979), p. 345.
63. Li Yanjie, Qu Xiao and Peng Qingyi, “What did we really say,” p. 3.
64. Zeng Xianbin, “Questions and answers,” p. 1; Yang Fan, “Collision of new and old ideas,” p. 5.
65. Zhong Peizhang, the Chair of the Press Bureau of the Central Propaganda Department of the Party, mentioned that, two years before the Shekou Storm, a graduate student asked him a sharp question: “the reform needs to stimulate people opening up, initiating, bringing to full play the intelligence, talent, and creativity of every person. Why did [the authorities] praise Qu Xiao and continue the propagation of [the ideas of] obedient tools and denial of individual personalities?” (Zhong Peizhang, “Probing the problem,” p. 3.)
66. Xin Wenbu, “Why stir up the Shekou Storm,” p. 4.
67. Shi Fang, “The inspiration of Shekou youths,” p. 5.
68. Wei Haitian, “Shekou,” p. 3.
69. Su Zhenshuang et al., “The Shekou shock wave.”
70. Zeng Xianbin, “Questions and answers,” p. 1.
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74. Lynn, Hunt (ed.), The New Cultural History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 17.Google Scholar
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