1. The card index to the Beijing University Library contains entries for approximately 300 such books and pamphlets; obviously there must have been many more published throughout the country.

2. See Womack, Brantly, “Politics and epistemology in China since Mao”, The China Quarterly, No. 80 (1979), pp. 768–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar;

3. Interview with Hu Fuming, Nanjing, 11 May 1982.

4. “‘Liangge fanshi’ bu fuhe Makesizhuyi” (“The ‘two whatevers’ are incompatible with Marxism”) in Deng Xiaoping wenxuan (1975–1982 niari) (hereafter Wenxuari) (Beijing, Renmin chubanshe, 1983), p. 35Google Scholar;

5. Peking Review, No. 36 (2 09 1977), pp. 38–39Google Scholar; An extract from this speech appears at the beginning of an important inner-Party documentary collection: Dangfeng wenti (The. Problem of Party Style) (Beijing: Zhonggong zhongyang dangxiao chubanshe, 09 1981), pp. 2–3Google Scholar;

6. Interview of 11 May 1982 with Hu Fuming. See also the interview with Hu Fuming in Renmin ribao, 21 March 1979, p. 3, under the title “Shijian zhi shu chang qing” (“The tree of practice is forever green”), for a detailed history of the article's gestation, which indicates that it was considered within the Central Party School, but does not mention Hu Yaobang. Though, as indicated in this interview, Hu Fuming was in 1977–1978 vice-chairman of the Department of Philosophy at Nanjing University, and deputy secretary of the Party branch of the department, he insists that he wrote the article entirely on his own initiative.

7. “Guanche zhixing anlao fenpei de shehuizhuyi yuanze” (“Thoroughly carry out the socialist principle of payment according to work”), Renmin ribao, 5 May 1978. (In addition to Hu Qiaomu, several other theoreticians from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had participated in writing the article.)

8. Qiaomu, Hu, “Anzhao jingji guilu banshi, jiakuai shixian sige xiandaihua”, Renmin ribao 6 10 1978, pp. 1–3Google Scholar;

9. Xiaoping, Deng, “Gao feng Mao Zedong sixiang qizhi, jieshi shishiqiushi de yuanze” (“Raise high the banner of Mao Zedong Thought, resolutely support the principle of seeking the truth from facts”), Wenxuan, pp. 121–23Google Scholar; (Talk of 16 September 1978 with Qilin Provincial Party cadres.)

10. Translated in Compton, Boyd (ed.), Mao's China. Party Reform Documents, 1942–1944 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1952), pp. 255–67Google Scholar; On March 1943 as the date for Mao's achievement of supremacy, see my review article, “Mao studies: retrospect and prospect”, The China Quarterly, No. 97 (03 1984), p. 98Google Scholar;

11. Deng, speech of 2 June 1978, Renmin ribao, 6 June 1978; Communiqué of the Third Plenum, Peking Review, No. 52 (1978), p. 15Google Scholar;

12. Gailong, Liao, “Quanmian jianshe shehuizhuyi de daolu” (“The road to the all-round edification of socialism”), Yunnan shehui ke.xue, No. 2 (1982), pp. 6–7Google Scholar; (Report of 7 October 1981 to cadres in Yunnan.)

13. Conversations of 7 May and 16 September 1982 with the author.

14. In an interview of December 1980 Wang Xizhe conveyed a somewhat similar view of the relation between Deng Xiaoping and the reform-minded intellectuals, though many of the nuances of his interpretation have been lost as a result of cuts in the translation as published in New Left Review, January-February 1982, pp. 62–70.

15. Yaobang, Hu, “Guanyu sixiang zhengzhi gongzuo de ruogan wenti” (“On some problems of ideological and political work”), 15 October 1980Google Scholar, Dangfeng wenti, pp. 86, 110;

16. The classic work on this topic is, of course, that of Schwartz, Benjamin, In Search of Wealth and Power. Yen Fu's Encounter with the West (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964)Google Scholar;

17. Xiaoping, Deng, “Jiefang sixiang, shishi qiu shi, tuanjie yizhi xiangqian kan” (“Liberate thought, seek truth from facts and unite as one to look ahead”), Wenxuan, p. 131Google Scholar; (Speech at a Central Committee Work Conference, 13 December 1978.) See also Tang Tsou's review of Deng's Selected Works, The historic change in direction and continuity with the past”, The China Quarterly, No. 98 (06 1984), p. 331Google Scholar;

18. Xiaoping, Deng, “Jianshe sige jiben yuanze” (“Uphold the four basic principles”), 30 03 1979, Wenxuan, p. 157Google Scholar;

19. Xiaoping, Deng, “Gaoji ganbu yao daitou fayang dang de jianku pusu, miqie lianxi qunzhong de youliang chuantong” (“High-level cadres should take the lead in developing the Party's good tradition of hard work, simplicity, and close links with the masses”), Dangfeng wenti, p. 43Google Scholar; for the corresponding passage, see Wenxuan, pp. 190–91.

20. Xiaoping, Deng, “Muqian de xingshi he renwu” (“The present situation and tasks”), talk of 16 01 1980Google Scholar at a conference of cadres convened by the Centre, , Wenxuan, p. 216Google Scholar;

21. Ibid. pp. 203–204. This text is basically the same as that leaked in Hong Kong at the time, and summarized at length in The China Quarterly, Chronicle, Quarterly, No. 82 (06 1980), p. 370Google Scholar; In a talk of November 1980 on broadcasting work, Wang Renchong formulated Deng's first point more unambiguously as: “To oppose the hegemonism and expansionism of the Soviet Union”. [Xuanchuan dongtai, xuanbian (Extracts from Trends in Propaganda), 1980 (Beijing, Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 07 1981), p. 280.]Google Scholar It is possible that Deng originally expressed himself in these terms; it is also possible that Wang Renchong spelled out what he knew Deng meant.

22. Ibid. p. 204.

23. Ibid. pp. 206–207, 210–11, 218–21, 234–37.

24. Xiaoping, Deng, “Dang he guojia lingdao zhidu de gaige” (“Reform of the leadership systems of the Party and the state”). This text was openly published in China only in 07 1983Google Scholar; in Deng's Selected Works (Wenxuan, pp. 280–302). Previously, it was known from the version reproduced on Taiwan in Zhonggong yanjiu, Vol. 15, No. 7 (15 07 1981), pp. 108–139Google Scholar; and translated in Issues and Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, 1981Google Scholar; reprinted in Communist Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1982), pp. 101–118Google Scholar; An official Chinese translation appeared in Beijing Review, Nos. 40 and 41 (1983), pp. 14–22 and 18–22. The translation used here is largely my own, but for the sake of convenience, I have cited both the Chinese text (in the Wenxuan), and the translation as published in Beijing Review. The passage just quoted appears on p. 296 of the Chinese, and on p. 19 of the English(Beijing Review, No. 41).

25. Chinese, p. 282; Beijing Review, No. 40, p. 15.

26. Chinese, p. 292; Beijing Review, No. 40, p. 20.

27. Chinese, p. 289; Beijing Review, No. 40, p. 19.

28. Chinese, p. 293; Beijing Review, No. 40, p. 21.

29. Gailong, Liao, “Lishi de jingyan he women de fazhan daolu” (“Historical experience and our road of development”), Chinese text in Zhonggong yanjiu, Vol. 15, No. 19 (15 09 1981), pp. 108–177Google Scholar; translation in Issues and Studies, October, November and December 1981. (Report of 25 October 1980 at a meeting of Party schools throughout the country to discuss the history of the Chinese Communist Party.)

30. “Dang zai shehuizhuyi jieduan de lishi jingyan” (“The Party's historical experience in the socialist stage”), Dangshi yanjiu, No. 6 (1980), pp. 2–20Google Scholar; (Text as spoken on 22 July at the Central Party School, with a few additions and revisions.)

31. Chinese, pp. 142–43; translation, Issues and Studies, November, pp. 92–93.

32. Chinese, p. 159; translation, December, pp. 80–81.

33. For the 1962 version of this statement, see Schram, S. (ed.), Mao Tse-tung Unrehearsed (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1974), p. 163Google Scholar;

34. Compare Chinese text of the October version, p. 159, with Dangshi yanjiu, No. 6 (1980), p. 19Google Scholar;

35. Dangfeng wenti, p. 88. Once the breakthrough had been made, many articles in the Chinese press repeated the same point, though usually without noting explicitly that they were taking issue with Mao.

36. Gailong, Liao, “Quanmian jianshe shehuizhuyi de daolu” (“The road to the all-round edification of socialism”), Yunnan shehui kexue, No. 2 (03 1982), pp. 2–3Google Scholar; Wan-sui (1969), p. 342.

37. Conversation with the author, 7 May 1982.

38. Liqun, Deng, “Xuexi ‘guanyu jianguo yilai dang de ruogan lishi wenti de jueyi’ de wenti he huida” (“Questions and answers in studying the ‘Resolution on some questions in the history of the Party since 1949’”), in Dangshi huiyi baogaoji (Collection of Reports from the Meeting on Party History) (Beijing: Zhongyang dangxiao chubanshe, 1982), pp. 74–174Google Scholar; (The section on class struggle discussed here appears on pp. 91–107.)

39. Ibid. p. 94. See also Wenxuan, p. 168.

40. Liao Gailong, “Shehuizhuyi shehui zhong de jieji douzheng he renmin neibu maodun wenti” (hereafter “The problem of class struggle”).

41. Ibid. p. 1.

42. Ibid. pp. 2, 8–9; see also Shaozhi, Su, Tentative Views on the Class Situation and Class Struggle in China at the Present Stage (Beijing: Institute of Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 02 1981), p. 35Google Scholar; Originally published in Chinese in Xueshu yanjiukan, 1 October 1979.

43. “The problem of class struggle”, p. 10. See also Yunnan shehui kexue, No. 2 (03 1982), pp. 104–105Google Scholar;

44. Ibid. p. 11.

45. Zedong, Mao, “Guanyu zhengque chuli renmin neibu maodun de wenti. Jianghua gao” (“On the correct handling of contradictions among the people. Text as delivered”), Mao Zhuxi wenxian sanshipian (Thirty Documents by Chairman Mao) (Beijing: Special Steel Plant, 1967), pp. 94–95Google Scholar;

46. Gailong, Liao, “The problem of class struggle”, pp. 12–16Google Scholar; For further details regarding Liao Gailong's view of classes under socialism, see the expanded version of this article published in pamphlet form by the Contemporary China Institute.

47. Ibid. pp. 22–23.

48. Ibid. p. 25. The reference is to his report to the Sixth Plenum, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 204.

49. Ibid. p. 24.

50. A crucial text marking this shift was Hu Qiaomu's speech of 8 August 1981, “Dangqian sixiang zhanxian de ruogan wenti” (“Some current problems on the ideological front”), Hongqi, No. 32 (1981), pp. 2–22Google Scholar;

51. Gailong, Liao, “Historical experience”, Chinese, p. 159Google Scholar; translation, Issues and Studies, December 1981, p. 81.

52. The letter is printed in Renmin ribao, 10 February 1981, under the title “Yao jianshe shehuizhuyi jingshen wenming” (“We must build a socialist spiritual civilization”).

53. Xiaoping, Deng, “Guanche tiaozheng fangzhen, baozheng anding tuanjie”) “Carry out the adjustment of the orientation, guarantee stability and unity”), Wenxuan, pp. 313–33Google Scholar; (The reference to jingshen wenming is on p. 326.)

54. Xiaoping, Deng, “Guanyu sixiang zhanxian shang de wenti de tanhua” (“Talk on problems on the ideological front”), 17 07 1981, Wenxuan, p. 348Google Scholar;

55. Yaobang, Hu, “Zai Zhongyang Jiwei zhaokai de quanguo guanche ‘zhunze’ zuotanhui shang de jianghua” (“Speech at the national forum on the implementation of the ‘norms’ convened by the Central Committee for Disciplinary Investigation”), 26 11 1980, Dangfeng wenti, pp. 132–33Google Scholar; Hu refers here to his speech of 18 May 1980 at a meeting of the Organization Department of the Central Committee. The “norms” are manifestly those for the political life of the Party adopted at the Fifth Plenum in February 1980. (Dangfeng wenti, pp. 165–88; see also Hongqi, No. 6 (1980), pp. 2–11Google Scholar; and the abridged translation in Beijing Review, No. 14 (1980), pp. 11–20Google Scholar;

56. Beijing Review, No. 37 (1982), p. 21Google Scholar; corrected on the basis of the Chinese text of Hu Yaobang's report in Renmin ribao, 8 September 1982.

57. Ibid. p. 26.

58. Ibid. pp. 22–23.

59. Jiefang junbao, 28 August 1982; the self-criticism is reprinted in Dagong bao, 17 October 1982. For a more extended discussion, see Tsou, Tang, “Political change and reform: the middle course” in Ginsberg, N. (ed.), China, the 80s Era (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1984), p. 46Google Scholar;

60. Shaozhi, Su, Lizu dangdai, ba Makesizhuyi tuixiang qianjin (Let us Take our Stand in This Present Age, and Carry Forward the Development of Marxism), Beijing, 2 03 1983, p. 3Google Scholar; English in Develop Marxism under Contemporary Conditions (Beijing: Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, 1983), p. 5Google Scholar;

61. Ibid. pp. 3–4; translation, pp. 6–7.

62. Ibid. pp. 6–8: translation, pp. 11–13.

63. Ibid. pp. 8–11: translation, pp. 15–21.

64. Ibid. pp. 11–13: translation, pp. 21–26.

65. Ibid. pp. 13–15; translation, pp. 27–30.

66. Beijing Review, No. 12 (1983), p. IVGoogle Scholar; Renmin ribao, 14 March 1983.

67. For an outline of the proceedings of the symposium in honour of Marx, see the brief note in Makesizhuyiyanjiu (Research on Marxism), No. 1 (09 1983), pp. 297–302Google Scholar;

68. “Jiejue er you zhixu de gaige”, Renmin ribao, 17 February 1983, p. 1.

69. Shaozhi, Su, Lizu dangdai, ba Makesizhuyi tuixiang qianjin, p. 17Google Scholar; translation, p. 36.

70. Liqun, Deng, “Taolun rendaozhuyi, renxinglun hen you haochu” (“It is an excellent thing to discuss humanism and the theory of human nature”), Renmin ribao, 12 04 1983, p. 1Google Scholar; (The title is, of course, that of the editors of People's Daily.)

71. Desheng, Li, “Jixu qingchu ‘zuo’ de sixiang yinxiang, nuli kaizao budui jianshe de xin jumian” (“Continue to eliminate ‘leftist’ ideological tendencies, strive to create a new situation in building up our ranks”), Rentnin ribao, 13 04 1983, p. 5Google Scholar;

72. Desheng, Li, “Jianchi shishiqiushi shi quandang tongyi sixiang de guanyao” (“Upholding seeking the truth from facts is the key to unifying the Party's thinking”), Renmin ribao, 20 04 1984Google Scholar;

73. See his speeches of 24 and 25 September 1983, respectively to a committee under the State Council, and to postgraduate students in Beijing, published in Renmin ribao, 25 and 26 September 1983. The newspaper gave the first of these trie title: “Jianchi sixiang jiben yuanze, jianshe jingshen wenming. Sixiang linghui ge bumen yao nuli qingchu jingshen wuran” (“Uphold the four basic principles, build spiritual civilization. In all areas of the ideological domain we must strive to eliminate spiritual pollution”).

74. Beijing Review, No. 42 (17 10 1983), p. 4 and centrefoldGoogle Scholar; Hongqi, No. 20 (1983), pp. 2–11Google Scholar;

75. Zhen, Wang, “Fangzhi he qingchu sixiang zhanxian jingshen wuran, gaoju Makesizhuyi shehuizhuyi qizhi”, Renmin ribao, 25 10 1983, p. 1Google Scholar;

76. “Deng Liqun on China's cultural policy,” Beijing Review, No. 51 (19 12 1983), p. 5Google Scholar;

77. A staff critic (benbao pinglunyuan), “Jianshe jingshen wenming, fandui jingshen wuran” (“Build spiritual civilization, oppose spiritual pollution”), Renmin ribao, 16 November 1983, p. 1.

78. “Shiwei, shifu jiguan gongzuo renyuan yibiao guiding” (“Directive of the City Party Committee and the Municipal government regarding the behaviour of people working in their organizations”), Beijing ribao, 29 September 1983.

79. “Zhongguo Qingnian Bao” pinglunyuan, “Wuran xu qingchu, shenghuo yao j meihua” (“Pollution must be eliminated, life must be made beautiful”), Zhongguo qingnian bao, 17 November 1983; also published on the same day in Renmin ribao.

80. Renmin ribao, 25 October 1983.

81. Ruoshui, Wang, “Tantan yihua wenti” (“On the problem of alienation”), Xinwen zhanxian, No. 8 (07 1980), p. 10Google Scholar; Translated in On Estrangement (Beijing, Institute of Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 05 1981), pp. 11–12Google Scholar; (“Selected writings on studies of Marxism”, No. 12.)

82. Conversation of 17 April 1984 in the Great Hall of the People. (See the brief item, “Deng Liqun huijian Yingguo xuezhe Shilamu” (“Deng Liqun receives the English scholar Schram”), Renmin ribao, 18 April 1984, p. 8. I shall give further details regarding Deng Liqun's view of Wang Ruoshui's misdeeds below.

83. One of the earliest and most forceful of the articles raising this issue was published more or less simultaneously with Wang Ruoshui's piece. See Xin, Ru, “Rendaozhuyi shibushi xiuzhengzhuyi?” (“Is humanism revisionism?”), Renmin ribao, 15 08 1980Google Scholar: translated in Selected Writings on the Study of Marxism, No. 3 (1982) (Beijing: Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)Google Scholar;

84. For a strongly negative view, firmly rejecting humanism, existentialism, and all such notions as topics worthy of discussion, see Chongjie, Mao, “Ren shi Makesizhuyi de chufadian ma?” (“Is man the starting-point for Marxism?”), Zhexue yanjiu, No. 3, 1983, pp. 34–41Google Scholar; For his part, Huang Dansen in early 1983 came very close to saying that communism, properly understood, incorporated true humanism, and did state explicitly that “alienated labour” still survived under socialism, in residual form, because of the persistence of exploiting elements. See “Guanyu ren de lilun de ruogan wenti” (“On some theoretical questions regarding man”), Zhexue yanjiu, No. 4 (1983), pp. 23–37Google Scholar;

85. Peking Review, No. 1 (1964), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; The sentence implying recognition that alienation was at least worthy of discussion had been added to Zhou's 1963 report by Mao Zedong himself.

86. Yang, Zhou, “Guanyu Makesizhuyi de jige lilun wenti de tantao” (“A discussion of some theoretical questions in Marxism”), Renmin ribao, 16 03 1983, pp. 5–6Google Scholar; This passage occurs on p. 5.

87. Loc. cit.

88. An article by the leading philosopher Xing Bensi refers to the publication of more than 600 articles on humanism and alienation since 1978. See Bensi, Xing, “Yihua wenti he jingshen wuran” (“The problem of alienation and spiritual pollution”), Renmin ribao, 5 11 1983, p. 5Google Scholar;

89. Conversation of 17 April 1984 with Deng Liqun.

90. See the record of the visit of the “North American Delegation” to China in June–July 1980. (This document, entitled “Ideology and history: report on the visit of the North American Delegation on socialism and revolution to the People's Republic of China, June–July 1980”, has been deposited in various libraries. The members of the delegation were Ed Friedman (leader), Jerome Ch'en, Angus MacDonald, Maurice Meisner, Ross Terrill, Tsou Tang and myself.)

91. See the summary of his remarks in Beijing Review, No. 50, 12 12 1983, pp. 11–12Google Scholar;

92. “Guanyu rendaozhuyi he yihua wenti” (“On the problem of humanism and alienation”), Hongqi, No. 2 (1984), pp. 2–28Google Scholar; also in Renmin ribao, 27 January 1984.

93. Review article cited, The China Quarterly, No. 98, p. 339.

94. Hongqi, No. 2, p. 27. According to Deng Liqun (conversation of 17 April 1984), the article was formally approved by the Central Committee before its publication in Hongqi.

95. See the Communique of the Second Plenum.

96. This fact, which is not mentioned in Hongqi or Renmin ribao, is noted in the pamphlet edition (with the same title) published in January 1984 by People's Publishing House, unnumbered page at beginning and p. 74.

97. Qiaomu, Hu, article cited, Hongqi, No. 2 (1984), p. 3Google Scholar; (In this and other references to Hu's very long article, I will cite only one page in each instance, though all the important points are covered several times, in different contexts. The present reference is to an explanatory footnote which neatly sums up his view.)

98. Ibid. p. 26.

99. Loc. cit.

100. Ibid. p. 21 and passim.

101. Ibid. p. 3.

102. Ibid. p. 15. The list Hu gives in this context is an extraordinary one; apart from the fact that with the exception of Joseph Needham, those on it are all dead, and some are of a much earlier generation, though the issues are formulated in very contemporary terms, about half of them were members of various communist parties, and can thus hardly qualify as “bourgeois”. Among those cited are Anatole France, Romain Rolland, Aragon, Joliot-Curie (whether F. or I. is not clear), Bernal, Needham, Heinrich and Thomas Mann, Brecht, Einstein, Dreiser, Picasso, Chaplin, Edgar Snow, Bethune and Tagore.

103. Ibid. p. 16.

104. Ibid. pp. 18–19, 25.

105. Ibid. p. 24.

106. Interview of 17 April 1984 with Deng Liqun.

107. “Xuexi lishi weiwuzhuyi de zhongyao jiaocai” (“An important item of teaching material for the study of historical materialism”), Hongqi, No. 4 (15 02 1984), pp. 40–41Google Scholar; (nos. 2, 3, and 4 of Hongqi all carry several pages of notes to aid in the study of Hu's article.)

108. “Suqing ‘zou’ de liudu he jiaozheng ruanruo huangsan”, Renmin ribao, 1 April 1984, p. 1.

109. Chen Yun wenxuan (1926–1949 nian) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1984, 313 pp.)Google Scholar; 110. Rui, Li, “Jin kuai qiyong yi dai xin ren–du Chen Yun wenxuan zhong youguan ganbu gongzuo de lunshu”, Renmin ribao, 23 03 1984Google Scholar; In a conversation of 11 April 1984, Li Rui himself strongly underscored the importance of this article as a summing-up of a fundamental aspect of the rectification campaign. The call by “a leading member of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee” to “put in leading posts a large number of reformers” at all levels, and in so doing to “clear away ‘Left’ influence” (Beijing Review, No. 23 (4 06 1984), p. 7)Google Scholar; corresponds so closely to the ideas outlined by Li Rui in his article of 23 March and in other contexts that one is tempted to assume he was the person quoted.

111. “Bu neng zai tuole!” (“There mustn't be any further delay”), Renmin ribao, 30 March 1983.

112. See, for example, Renmin ribao, 12, 13, 14 and 16 April 1984. The same point about leftism as the source of hostility to the intellectuals, and similar calls for the elimination of such influences, were heard in the spring of 1983 [see, e.g. “Hunan Daxue kaishi qingli ‘zuo’ de sixiang yinxiang” (“Hunan University begins to clear out ‘leftist’ ideological influences”), Renmin ribao, 25 March 1983], but the issue was not raised forcefully day after day, as has been the case this year, and of course such statements d5d not have the same impact because they did not constitute a direct reversal of the line previously advocated.

113. Li, Wan, “Zai quanguo nongcun gongzuo huiyi shang de jianghua (zhaiyao)” (1983Google Scholar nian 11 yue 29 ri) (“Summary of speech at national conference on rural work”, 29 November 1983), Renmin ribao, 18 January 1984.

114. Ibid. 23, 26 January 1984. Document text, dated 1 January 1984, in ibid, 12 June 1984.

115. “Fazhan zhuanye hu shi xiang da zhengce” (“To develop specialized households is a great policy”), Renmin ribao, 23 January 1984. (Italics mine.)

116. “Guli nongmin dadan qinlao zhifu” (“Encouraging the peasants boldly to work hard in order to enrich themselves”), Renmin ribao, 26 January 1984. See also the cartoon in Renmin ribao, 5 February 1984, p. 2, showing a lazy peasant first watching complacently as his neighbour works hard, and then shocked out of his wits by the latter's material and moral rewards.

117. Xiaoping, Deng, Wenxuan, p. 222Google Scholar; In particular, Deng had said: “Our promotion of remuneration according to work… also involves encouraging part of the people…, by working more and getting more, to become prosperous first”.

118. Conversation of 17 April 1984 with Deng Liqun.

119. “Women de zhengce shi fumin zhengce”, Renmin ribao, 19 March 1984.

120. “Zhengdang zujin jingji, jingji jianyan zhengdang” (“Rectifying the Party promotes the economy, and the economy serves as a test for the rectification of the Party”), Renmin ribao, 16 April 1984. (Italics mine.)

121. “Zengtian dang de xinxian xueye”, Renmin ribao, 6 April 1984; interview of 17 April 1984.

122. For Hu's report, see Beijing Review, No. 37 (1982), pp. 18–19Google Scholar; and Hongqi, No. 18 (1982), pp. 12–13Google Scholar; A valuable overview of the problem of industrial reform can be found in Lockett, M. and Littler, C., “Trends in Chinese industrial management, 1978–1982”, World Development, No. 8 (1983). pp. 683–704CrossRefGoogle Scholar;

123. “See, for example, “Zhubu wanshan shangye fuwuye jingying zeren zhi” (“Gradually perfect the responsibility system of management in commerce and the services”), Renmin ribao, 25 March 1983, which mentions the use of contracts. On changes recommended in the autumn of 1983, see Yiwei, Jiang, “Guanyu gongye jingji zeren zhi de yixie lilun wenti” (“On some theoretical questions regarding the economic responsibility system in industry”), Renmin ribao, 19 08 1983Google Scholar;

124. Wei, Ji, “Yong yu gaige shi gemingzhe de pinge”, Renmin ribao, 16 04 1984Google Scholar;

125. “A controversial entrepreneur”, China Daily, 12 April 1984, p. 6.

126. “Bage nianqingren chengbao jiuhuo yige gongchan” (“Eight young people take over a factory under contract and resuscitate it”), Renmin ribao, 14 April 1984.

127. Loc. cit.; “State enterprises taken over under collective contracts”, China Daily, 16 April 1984.

128. “Grain transporter wins legal tangle”, China Daily, 14 April 1984, p. 3.

129. “Opening of the coast”, China Daily, 13 April 1984, p. 4.

130. “Lilun jie yao you yanjiu xin shiwu de reqing” (“Theoretical workers should be enthusiastic in studying newly-born things”), Renmin ribao, 12 April 1984.

131. “Jiushi yao chedi fouding ‘wenge’”, Renmin ribao, 23 April 1984.

132. “Guanyu rendaozhuyi he yihua wenti taoiunhui zai Zhaoqing” [“A discussion meeting on humanism and alienation in Zhaoqing (a city in Guangdong)”], Zhexue yanjiu, No. 5 (1984), pp. 71–73Google Scholar;

133. Beijing Review, No. 24, 11 06 1984Google Scholar;

134. “Zhi Lu Dingyi deng” (“To Lu Dingyi and others”), Mao Zedong shuxin xuanji (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1983), p. 605Google Scholar;

135. A hint of a change in direction can be found in a recently-published article on China's most famous erotic novel, the Jin ping mei: Gannu, Nie, “Tan Jin ping met” (“On the Jin ping mei”), Dushu, No. 4, 1984, pp. 55–62Google Scholarpassim. The author praises the book for its realistic portrayal of social relationships, and adds that, while it does unquestionably contain some “dirty” (bujie) things, it also explores the problem of combining the fleshly and the spiritual in sexual relationships. He even ventures to draw the conclusion: "If, in the course of the May 4th new culture movement, there was a great development in the relations between men and women, among the antecedents was also included the contribution of the Jin ping mei.”

136. Xiaoping, Deng, Wenxuan, p. 288Google Scholar; Beijing Review, No. 40 (1983), p. 19. 137Google Scholar; Gailong, Liao, “Historical experience”, Chinese, p. 166Google Scholar; English, Issues and Studies December 1981, p. 89. Tang Tsou, who has called attention to the significance of Deng's use of this term (The China Quarterly, No. 98, p. 340), prefers the translation “monistic”. In my view, there is something to be said for all three of the equivalents given above. For a detailed discussion of this problem, and of the history of the concept of yiyuanhua from the 1940s to the 1980s, see my article “Decentralization in a Unitary State: Theory and Practice 1940–1984” in Schram, S. (ed.), The Scope of State Power in China, to be published in 1985 by the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, and the Chinese University Press of Hong KongGoogle Scholar;

138. Compare point 4 of the reforms suggested for consideration in the original text of Deng's report (Zhonggong yanjiu, Vol. 15, No. 7, pp. 135–36; Communist Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1982), p. 116)Google Scholar with Wenxuan, p. 300 and Beijing Review, No. 41 (1983), p. 21Google Scholar; As pointed out by Tang Tsou (The China Quarterly, No. 98, p. 323), this is the only major change made by Deng in this text.