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Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 May 2014

Christopher A. Molnar
Christopher A. Molnar*
Affiliation:
University of Michigan-Flint
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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach argue that “the question of race remained at the very center of social policy and collective imagination during the occupation years, as the Western Allies worked to democratize Germany, and during the Bonn Republic,” and they call for a new historiography that is more attentive to the category of race and the process of racialization in Germany and Europe after 1945. While this newfound emphasis on race in Germany's postwar history has been salutary, an approach that puts race and racialization at the center of German interactions with resident foreign populations runs the risk of sidelining the experiences of foreign groups that Germans did not view in primarily racial terms. Indeed, to a certain extent this has already occurred. By the mid-1980s, public and policy discourse on immigrants in West Germany came to focus overwhelmingly on Turks and the problems raised by their “alien” Islamic cultural practices. That West Germany's guest worker program had resulted in the permanent settlement of hundreds of thousands of Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Yugoslavs was largely forgotten. When historians, anthropologists, and scholars in other disciplines began taking more interest in Germany's migration history in recent decades, they too focused overwhelmingly on Turks. Only in recent years has the historiography of Germany's postwar migration history started to reflect the multinational character of Germany's immigrant population.

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Central European History , Volume 47 , Issue 1 , March 2014 , pp. 138 - 169
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Copyright © Central European History Society of the American Historical Association 2014 

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References

1 For an excellent introduction to recent research focusing on the racialization of foreigners in postwar West Germany, see Chin, Rita, Fehrenbach, Heide, Eley, Geoff, and Grossmann, Atina, After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

2 Grossmann, Atina, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Fehrenbach, Heide, Race after Hitler: Black Occupation Children in Postwar Germany and America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press)Google Scholar; and Chin, Rita, The Guest Worker Question in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar. Other important works that discuss German racial thought in the postwar era include Poiger, Ute, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in Divided Germany (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000)Google Scholar; and Höhn, Maria, GIs and Fräuleins: German-American Encounters in 1950s West Germany (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

3 Chin et al., After the Nazi Racial State, 1–29, quote from page 6.

4 Chin, The Guest Worker Question, 11, and 11 n16; and Rieker, Yvonne, “Ein Stück Heimat findet man ja immer”: die italienische Einwanderung in die Bundesrepublik (Essen: Klartext Verlag, 2003), 11Google Scholar.

5 There is now an extensive literature on Turks in Germany; important works include Chin, The Guest Worker Question; Hunn, Karin, “Nächstes Jahr kehren wir zurück…”: Die Geschichte der türkischen “Gastarbeiter” in der Bundesrepublik (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2005)Google Scholar; and Mandel, Ruth, Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

6 Italian immigrants, in particular, have of late attracted significant scholarly attention. For a recent introduction to this historiography, see Janz, Oliver and Sala, Roberto, eds., Dolce Vita? Das Bild der italienischen Migranten in Deutschland (Frankfurt a.M.: Campus Verlag, 2011)Google Scholar; see also Rieker, “Ein Stück Heimat.”

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25 The feats of the Partisan army during World War II dominated history textbooks in socialist Yugoslavia, see ibid., and Höpken, Wolfgang, “History Education and Yugoslav (Dis-)Integration,” in State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992, eds. Bokovoy, Melissa K., Irvine, Jill A., and Lilly, Carol S. (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1997)Google Scholar, 93. On the Pioneers, see Erdei, Ildiko, “‘The Happy Child’ as an Icon of Socialist Transformation: Yugoslavia's Pioneer Organization,” in Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe, eds. Lampe, John R. and Mazower, Mark (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2004), 154–179Google Scholar.

26 Ahonen, Pertti, et al. , People on the Move: Forced Population Movements in Europe in the Second World War and its Aftermath (New York, NY: Berg, 2008), 72Google Scholar.

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28 Wehler, Nationalitätenpolitik, 92–94.

29 On the German perception of themselves as victims of the war, see Moeller, Robert G., War Stories: The Search for the Useable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001)Google Scholar; on German expellees and the victim discourse, see chapter 3.

30 See, for example, “Unwillkommener Gast: Moscha Pijade—Austreiber und Kirchenfeind,” Volksbote: Unabhängige Wochenzeitung der Vertreibenden, September 22, 1956; and Mirbach, Aufzeichnung: Betr.: Angriff der Vertriebenenverbände gegen den Präsidenten des jugoslawischen Parlaments, September 24, 1956, both in Politische Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts [PA AA], B 12 / 562; and “Dummheit oder Provokation? Werden französischer Widerstandskämpfer jetzt auch verhaftet?” SPD Pressedienst, November 6, 1961, 5.

31 A reparations agreement was finally reached in 1973. On the war reparations question see Janjetović, Zoran, “Devisen statt Entschädigung: Die Wiedergutmachungsverhandlungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik und Jugoslawien,” in Grenzen der Wiedergutmachung: Die Entschädigung für NS-Verfolgte in West- und Osteuropa, 1945–2000, eds. Hockerts, Hans Günter, Moisel, Claudia, and Winstel, Tobias (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), 633–666Google Scholar.

32 For a brief account of the international Croatian separatist movement after 1945, see Clissold, Stephen, Croat Separatism: Nationalism, Dissidence and Terrorism (London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1979)Google Scholar; for Croatian émigrés in West Germany, see Tokić, Mate Nikola, “Landscapes of Conflict: Unity and Disunity in post-Second World War Croatian Émigré Separatism,” European Review of History 16, no. 5 (October 2009): 739–753Google Scholar; Alexander Clarkson, “‘Who is My Neighbour?:’ Immigrant Politics and Cold War Conflict in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1945–1975” (PhD diss., University of Oxford, 2007), chapter 2; and Kaja Shonick, “Émigrés, Guest Workers, and Refugees: Yugoslav Migrants in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1945–1995” (PhD diss., University of Washington, 2008), chapter 1.

33 Tokić, “Landscapes of Conflict,” 747.

34 Auswärtiges Amt an die Königliche Schwedische Botschaft Bad Godesburg, Verbalnote, March 8, 1963, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv [BHStA], Staatskanzlei [StK] / 13324; and “Aufzeichnung des Ministerialdirektors Ruete,” in Akten zur auswärtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 1967: Band 1: 1. Januar bis 31 März, 1967, eds., Schwarz, Hans-Peter and Pautsch, Ilse Dorothee (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1998)Google Scholar, 458 n6. During the 1950s and 1960s Croatian émigrés did, in fact, find significant support in West Germany, both inside and outside the government, see Clarkson, “‘Who is My Neighbor?’” 103, 105–108.

35 On Yugoslavia's open border policy, see Zimmerman, William, Open Borders, Nonalignment, and the Political Evolution of Yugoslavia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 “Treck aus Titos Land,” Der Spiegel, December 27, 1961, 21.

37 Herbert, Ulrich, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 1880–1980: Seasonal Workers, Forced Laborers, Guest Workers, trans. Templer, Bill (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990), 203Google Scholar; on illegal immigration from Yugoslavia, see “Gastarbeiterbetreuung,” Caritas Dienst: Mitteilungen des Katholischen Caritasverbandes der Erzdiözese München und Freising 23, no. 4 (1970), 85Google Scholar.

38 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 203; Schönwälder, Karen and Söhn, Janina, Siedlungsstrukturen von Migrantengruppen in Deutschland: Schwerpunkte der Ansiedlung und innerstädtische Konzentrationen (Berlin: WZB, 2007), 31Google Scholar.

39 Repräsentativuntersuchung ’72 über die Beschäftigung ausländischer Arbeitnehmer im Bundesgebiet und ihre Familien- und Wohnverhältnisse (Nuremberg: Bundesanstalt für Arbeit, 1973), 11, 16, 19Google Scholar.

40 Baučić, Ivo, “Die Auswirkung der Arbeitskräftewanderung in Jugoslawien,” in Ausländerbeschäftigung und international Politik: Zur Analyse transnationaler Sozialprozesse, eds. Lohrmann, Reinhard und Manfrass, Klaus (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1974)Google Scholar, 180. This breakdown of the immigrant population by Yugoslav republic of origin remained remarkably static throughout the 1970s, see Baučić, Ivo and Groß, Bernd, Rückkehr und Reintegration jugoslawischer Arbeitnehmer aus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Deutsch-Jugoslawische Untersuchung der Zukunftspläne jugoslawischer Arbeitsmigranten und ihrer Realisierung nach der Rückkehr; Endbericht einer empirischen Untersuchung im Auftrag des Bundesministers für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, (Saarbrücken: Institut für Entwicklungsforschung, Wirtschafts- und Sozialplanung, 1987)Google Scholar, 17. West German statistics did not disntinguish between the various Yugoslav national groups, counting them all as Yugoslavs, and archival sources rarely distinguish between Yugoslav national groups (except when discussing émigrés), which makes it difficult to determine if different national groups had distinctive experiences in the FRG.

41 Baučić and Groß, Rückkehr und Reintegration, 19–21.

42 Rieker, “Ein Stück Heimat,” 53–56, here page 55; Rieker, Yvonne, “Südländer, Ostagenten oder Europäer: Die Politik der Bundesregierung und das Bild der italienischen Gastarbeiter, 1955–1970,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 40 (2000), 235, 237–239Google Scholar.

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44 “Achtung! Trojanische Pferde!,” Das Stichwort, no. 2, March 18, 1964. See also Delgado, J. Manuel, Die “Gastarbeiter” in der Presse: Eine inhaltsanalytische Studie (Opladen: Leske, 1972), 59–61Google Scholar.

45 See, for example, Niemeyer, Aufzeichnung; Betr.: Aufnahme kroatische Flüchtlinge in der Bundesrepublik, February 7, 1962, BAK, B 106 / 45244, 3–4; and Branimir Jelić to Sabel (BAVAV), August 10, 1963, Bundesarchiv Koblenz [BAK], B 119 / 3026, 2.

46 For a fairly detailed and trustworthy report on UDBA's activities in West Germany, see Referat zur 6. Arbeitstagung der Staatsschutzdienststellen der bayer. Polizei vom 24.5. bis 26.5.76 in Fürstenfeldbruck: Politisch motivierte Terroraktionen innerhalb der jugoslawischen Emigration, undated, but clearly from 1976, BHStA, Staatsministerium des Innern [MInn] / 97572; for other notes on UDBA in the FRG, see Mende to AA, Betr.: Tätigkeit der jugoslawischen Konsulate in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, October 21, 1961, PA AA, B 42 / 98, 1; Bundesminister des Innern, Verfassungsschutz 1978 (Bonn: Bundesministerium des Innern, 1979), 140Google Scholar; and Bundesminister des Innern, Verfassungsschutz 1980 (Bonn: Bundesministerium des Innern, 1981), 129Google Scholar.

47 On Yugoslav asylum seekers during this era, see Münch, Ursula, Asylpolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Entwicklungen und Alternativen, 2nd ed. (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 1993), 54–55, 191Google Scholar.

48 Stahl an den Vorsitzenden des Sicherheitsausschusses des Bayerischen Landtages, Herrn Staatsminister Ankermüller, August 4, 1954, BHStA, MInn / 88418, 3.

49 Ibid., 4.

50 Leuckart to Bayer. Staatsministerium für Wirtschaft und Verkehr, Betreff: Wandergewerbescheine für jugoslawische Staatsangehörige, March 11, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 1.

51 Zimmermann an die Regierung von Oberbayern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung (Paßwesen); hier: Einreise von Jugoslawen, August 7, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 1–2.

52 Zimmermann an das Sachgebiet VfS, Betreff: Verdacht nachrichtendienstlicher Tätigkeit durch jugoslawische Wandergewerbetreibende, August 22, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 1.

53 For a collection of these reports, see Landmann to Bayer. Staatsministerium des Innern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung (Paßwesen); hier Einreise von Jugoslawen, October 9, 1958; Blümlein to Staatsministerium des Innern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung; hier Einreise von Jugoslawen, October 20, 1958; and Kuhn an das Staatsministerium des Innern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung; hier Einreise von Jugoslawen, October 20, 1958; these reports are all located in BHStA, MInn / 88519.

54 Blümlein to Staatsministerium des Innern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung; hier Einreise von Jugoslawen, October 20, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 2.

55 Kuhn an das Staatsministerium des Innern, Betreff: Ausländerpolizeiverordnung; hier Einreise von Jugoslawen, October 20, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 2.

56 Leuckart an das Bayer. Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Betreff: Verdacht nachrichtendienstlicher Tätigkeit durch jugoslawische Wandergewerbetreibende, November 24, 1958, BHStA, MInn / 88519, 5, 6.

57 On the conflict in Stuttgart, see “Schlägerei unter Jugoslawen: Kroatische Emigranten protestieren gegen Volkstanz-Aufführung in Stuttgart,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, November 27, 1961; and “Schrille Töne in der Liederhalle: Exil-Jugoslawen demonstrieren gegen Tito—Hat die Polizei versagt?” Münchner Merkur, November 27, 1961.

58 “Treck aus Titos Land,” Der Spiegel, December 27, 1961, 21.

59 Referat 705 an das Referat 505, Betr.: Gastarbeiter aus Jugoslawien und den europäischen Satellitenstaaten der SU, December 4, 1961, PA AA, B 85 / 641, 1; and Meyer-Lindenberg an die Abteilung 7, Betr.: Bitte um Mitzeichnung der dortigen Aufzeichnung über Zwischenfall in der Liederhalle in Stuttgart am 25. November 1961 anläßlich einer jugoslawischen Veranstaltung, December 13, 1961, PA AA, B 85 / 641, 2.

60 Weicken, Arbeitskreis für Fragen der Beschäftigung ausländischer Arbeitnehmer beim Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, Bonn; hier: Besprechung am 8. Juni 1962, June 8, 1962, BAK, B 119 / 3027, 1–2.

61 Blank, Deutsche Bundestag, 4. Wahlperiode; Der Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung an den Herren Präsidenten des Deutschen Bundestages, Betr.: Arbeitserlaubnis für jugoslawische Hilfsarbeiter; Bezug: Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion der SPD—Drucksache IV/629, September 21, 1962; see also “Stuttgart wendet sich gegen jugoslawische Hilfsarbeiter,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, August 27, 1962.

62 Studiengruppe Südost Report: Probleme der jugoslawischen Gastarbeiter: Politische Desinteresse – Titoistische Infiltrationsversuche, October 9, 1962, BAK, B 119 / 3027, 1.

63 Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Kommunistische Infiltration ausländischer Gastarbeiter in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, February 1, 1964, BHStA, MInn / 97595; and Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Kommunistische Infiltration ausländischer Gastarbeiter in der Bundesrepublik, September 1965, BHStA, MInn / 97595.

64 Bayerisches Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Kommunistische Infiltration der ausländischen Gastarbeiter in Bayern, May 1, 1964, BHStA, MInn / 97595, on Yugoslavs see 2, 13.

65 Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Kommunistische Infiltration ausländischer Gastarbeiter in der Bundesrepublik, September 1965, BHStA, MInn / 97595, Anlage 3.

66 From the director of EBV, Betr.: Notwendigkeit der weiteren Anwerbung jugoslawischer Arbeitskräfte für den Untertagebetrieb des Eschweiler Bergwerks-Verein, April 4, 1963, BAK, B 119 / 3026, 6.

67 Janez Zdesar to the Erzbischöfliche Ordinariat München, Bericht des Oberseelsorgeamtes für die Slowenen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, April 1966, Archiv des Erzbistums München und Freising, General Vikariat-Registratur / Slowenen—Seelsorge, 8.

68 Shonick, “Émigrés, Guest Workers, and Refugees,” 152–153. Yugoslav officials urged their citizens not to participate in a series of wildcat strikes that took place throughout the FRG in 1973. Although speculative, it seems likely that Yugoslav officials discouraged leftist political activity among its citizens abroad during the 1960s as well, for the reasons stated above.

69 Driven primarily by the Croatian émigré community, the nationalist right dominated political activity among Yugoslavs in the FRG throughout the Cold War era, although they had limited appeal to guest workers. For evidence of this in the late 1970s, see Bundesminister des Innern, Verfassungsschutz 1977 (Bonn: Bundesministerium des Innern, 1978), 143Google Scholar.

70 Der Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung to AA, Betr.: In der Bundesrepublik beschäftigte Arbeitnehmer aus Jugoslawien und den europäischen Satellitenstaaten aus den UdSSR, January 5, 1962, PA AA, B 85 / 641, 3; Weicken, Arbeitskreis für Fragen der Beschäftigung ausländischer Arbeitnehmer beim Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, Bonn; hier: Besprechung am 8. Juni 1962, June 8, 1962, BAK, B 119 / 3027, 2.

71 Jugendkurheim ‘Hochried’ an den Herrn Minister J. Strauß, Betr.: Jugoslawische Gastarbeiter, May 25, 1966, Archiv für Christlich-Soziale Politik, LG—5. WP / 120.

72 From the director of EBV, Betr.: Notwendigkeit der weiteren Anwerbung jugoslawischer Arbeitskräfte für den Untertagebetrieb des Eschweiler Bergwerks-Verein, April 4, 1963, BAK, B 119 / 3026, 5.

73 Dahnen, Vermerk: Beschäftigung jugoslawischer Arbeitnehmer in der Bundesrepublik, July 2, 1963, BAK, B 149 / 6240, 3.

74 Fittges, Vermerk: Abschluß einer deutsch-jugoslawischen Anwerbevereinbarung, April 27, 1967, BAK, B 149 / 6241, 1.

75 Schildt, Axel, Moderne Zeiten: Freizeit, Massenmedien und “Zeitgeist” in der Bundesrepublik der 50er Jahren (Hamburg: Hans Christians Verlag, 1995), 181—182, 199—200Google Scholar.

76 Igor Tchoukarine emphasizes Yugoslavia's foreign policy realignment after 1948 as a key factor in its promotion of Western tourism, “The Yugoslav Road to International Tourism: Opening, Decentralization, and Propaganda in the early 1950s,” in Yugoslavia's Sunny Side: A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s–1980s), eds. Grandits, Hannes and Taylor, Karin (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010), 107–138Google Scholar; while Allcock, John B. emphasizes economics, “Yugoslavia,” in Tourism and Economic Development in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, ed. Hall, Derek R. (London: Belhaven Press, 1991), 239–243Google Scholar.

77 Allcock, “Yugoslavia,” 243–245; Tchoukarine, “The Yugoslav Road,” 121.

78 Zimmerman, Open Borders, 79.

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85 On the general phenomenon of tourism among former Nazi soldiers, see ibid., 107–110, quote from page 107. On former German soldiers returning specifically to Yugoslavia as tourists, and the attitudes of former soldiers to the lands they travelled to, see Lehmann, Albrecht, “Krieg—Urlaub—Gastarbeiter: Zur Erfahrung ‘des Ausländers’ in der Lebensgeschichte von Hamburger Arbeitern,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 24 (1984): 467–470Google Scholar.

86 On the controversy and government and public opposition that the film aroused, see Karl Stankiewitz, “Die ‘Herrenpartie’ ist nicht gefragt: Bonn verschanzt sich hinter einem anonymen Gedicht,” Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger, February 18, 1965.

87 For an extended plot summary and analysis, see Lenhard, Andreas, “Ohne Prädikat: Herrenpartie,” in Courage und Eigensinn: Zum 100. Geburtstag von Wolfgang Staudte, eds. Uschi and Schmidt-Lenhard, Andreas (St. Ingbert: Röhrig Universitätsverlag, 2006), 79–96Google Scholar.

88 Confino, “Traveling as a Culture of Remembrance,” 111–112.

89 “Flucht ins Wirtschaftswunder,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, November 6, 1962; Rossig, Rüdiger, (Ex-) Jugos: junge MigrantInnen aus Jugoslawien und seinen Nachfolgestaaten in Deutschland (Berlin: Archiv der Jugendkulturen, 2008)Google Scholar, 15. Rossig is not specific about the frequency of German-Yugoslav joint vacations or when they began to take place.

90 The Newsweek article was translated and republished in West Germany, Yorick Blumenfeld, “Mit Liebe hat das nichts zu tun,” Der Spiegel, October 6, 1965, 98.

91 Mergel, “Europe as Leisure Time Communication,” 137.

92 On German tourism in Italy and its impact on perceptions of Italian guest workers, see Rieker, “Ein Stück Heimat,” 57–59.

93 Gray, William Glenn, Germany's Cold War: The Global Campaign to Isolate East Germany, 1949–1969 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 196–201Google Scholar.

94 Ibid., 203; and Kosanović, Milan, “Brandt and Tito: Between Ostpolitik and Nonalignment,” in Ostpolitik, 1969–1974: European and Global Responses, eds. Fink, Carole and Schaefer, Bernd (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 234–235Google Scholar.

95 Novinšćak, “The Recruiting and Sending of Yugoslav ‘Gastarbeiter,’” 135–136; Shonick, “Politics, Culture, and Economics,” 730.

96 Willy Brandt an den Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, Herrn Hans Katzer, April 21, 1967, BAK, B 149 / 6241, 1.

97 On the reestablishment of diplomatic relations, see Ivanović, Vladomir, “Obnavljanje diplomatskih odnosa između Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije i Savezne Republike Nemačke,” Istorije 20. Veka, 2 (2005): 129–145Google Scholar; and Theurer, Bonn, Belgrad, Ost-Berlin, 258–268, 277–285.

98 On the FRG's attempt to widely publicize the normalization of West Germany-Yugoslav relations, and specifically Brandt's trip to Belgrade, see Reinelt, Genehmigungsverfügung, Betr.: Reisekosten für fünf deutsche Journalisten anläßlich der Reise des Herrn Bundesaußenministers nach Belgrad im Juni 1968, June 30, 1968, BAK, B145 / 8289, 1.

99 Banchoff, Thomas, The German Problem Transformed: Institutions, Politics, and Foreign Policy, 1945–1995 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 81–82Google Scholar; and Fink, Carole and Schaefer, Bernd, “Conclusion,” in Ostpolitik, 1969–1974: European and Global Responses, eds. Fink, Carole and Schaefer, Bernd (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 269, 270Google Scholar.

100 Kosanović, “Brandt and Tito,” 236.

101 Novinšćak, “The Recruiting and Sending of Yugoslav ‘Gastarbeiter;’” and Shonick, “Politics, Culture, and Economics.”

102 Novinšćak, “The Recruiting and Sending of Yugoslav ‘Gastarbeiter;’” 139.

103 Shonick, “Politics, Culture, and Economics,” 732.

104 Novinšćak, “The Recruiting and Sending of Yugoslav ‘Gastarbeiter,’” 138.

105 Klewitz, Konsulat der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Zagreb, an das Auswärtige Amt, Betr.: Gastarbeiterabkommen; hier: jugoslawische Wunsch nach organisierter Ausreise der Gastarbeiter, November 16, 1965, PA AA, B 42 / 138, 3.

106 II A 5 an Referat V 6, im Hause, Betr.: Beschäftigung von Arbeitnehmern aus den osteuropäischen Staaten, February 16, 1966, PA AA, B 85 / 1021, 1.

107 Jaenicke to AA, Betreff: Bundeskanzlerbesuch, March 16, 1973, BAK, B 145, 8276, 2. This quote comes from a draft of the speech, but a brief press report on Brandt's visit to Yugoslavia suggests that he did base his speech in Belgrade on the this draft; see “Brandt bei Tito: Besuch in Brioni,” Die Zeit, April 20, 1973.

108 Jaenicke to AA, Betreff: Bundeskanzlerbesuch, March 16, 1973, BAK, B 145, 8276, 2.

109 “Brandt bei Tito: Deutsch-jugoslawische Zusammenarbeit: Ein Vorbild,” Die Zeit, April 20, 1973.

110 “Beziehungen zu Jugoslawien,” Heimat und Staat (Wandzeitung), 1971 no. 7, BHStA, StK / 13182.

111 Carl-Christian Kaiser, “Marschall Tito in Bonn: Mit dem Kredit beginnt ein neues Kapital,” Die Zeit, June 28, 1974.

112 See, for example, President Gustav Heinemann's dinner speech on the evening of Tito's arrival, Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, “Der Staatsbesuch des Präsidenten der Sozialistischen Föderativen Republik Jugoslawien,” Bulletin, no. 77, June 26, 1974, BHStA, StK / 13182, 765–766.

113 Ibid., 768.

114 Gustav Chalupa, “Gastarbeiter, Adria-Touristen und hohe Wirtschaftskredite: Konkrete Themen für den ersten Besuch eines jugoslawischen Staatsoberhauptes,” Münchner Merkur, June 24, 1974, 3.

115 Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, “Der Staatsbesuch des Präsidenten der Sozialistischen Föderativen Republik Jugoslawien,” Bulletin, no. 77, June 26, 1974, BHStA, StK / 13182, 766.

116 Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, “Gemeinsames Kommunique,” Bulletin, no. 78, June 28, 1974, BHStA, StK / 13182, 773.

117 Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski, “Deutsch-jugoslawischer Beitrag zur Friedenssicherung in Europa,” Bulletin, no. 50, April 18, 1975, BHStA, StK / 13183, 469–470.

118 “Begegnung bei Sport, Tanz und Folklore,” Erlanger Nachrichten, May 16, 1978.

119 Korfmacher, Heribert, Sickinger, Josef, and Schlegel, Dietrich, eds., Deutsche und Jugoslawen: Begegnungen und Erfahrungen (Cologne: Deutsche Welle, 1988), 6–7Google Scholar.

120 Ibid. Winning selections included, for example, the following stories: a Fremdarbeiter during the war develops a close and long-lasting relationship with the family of his German master, 50–52; an old Serbian man informs his son that the German occupiers were a “humane, noble,” and “cultured” people who would not murder for no reason, a judgment that is confirmed in the story, 22–27; and for reasons that never become clear, a German guarding a Yugoslav POW camp takes great personal risks to repeatedly sneak cigarettes and food to a Yugoslav POW, 28–33. Croatia and Germany were allies during the war, and so for Croats warm recollections of the German presence during the war may be more comprehendible, but the stories from this collection come from all parts of Yugoslavia and from national groups that suffered greatly under German occupation.

121 Ibid., 98; see also 47–49, 61–63.

122 Ibid. “Ihr Blut war rot” is on pp. 42–46.

123 Ibid., 42.

124 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 203.

125 “Fremdenverkehr und Gastarbeiter,” Wissenschaftlicher Dienst Südosteuropa 17, no. 3 (March 1968): 49Google Scholar; and Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski, “Deutsch-jugoslawischer Beitrag zur Friedenssicherung in Europa,” Bulletin, no. 50, April 18, 1975, BHStA, StK / 13183, 470.

126 Susanne Falck, “Jeder vierte Gastwirt ist Ausländer: Ein Stück Balkan,” Münchner Merkur, April 20, 1978, 18. A Yugoslav proposal from 1978 for a German-Yugoslav shopping center in Munich noted that Germans who vacationed in Yugoslavia return to Germany with a knowledge of, and taste for, the food of Yugoslavia. It also estimated that there were two hundred Yugoslav Gastwirtschaften in Munich, Grundlagen für die Möglichkeit der Errichtung eines jugoslawisch—deutschen Kaufzentrums in München, November 17, 1978, BHStA, StK / 13183, 4, 5.

127 Stölting, Wilfried, Die Zweisprachigkeit jugoslawischer Schüler in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Berlin: Otto Harrassowitz, 1980), 33Google Scholar.

128 See, for example, “Zum Wohle,” Der Spiegel, September 12, 1966.

129 Mergel, “Europe as Leisure Time Communication,” 142–143; and Lehmann, “Krieg—Urlaub—Gastarbeiter,” 468–470.

130 Korfmacher et al., “Deutsche und Jugoslawen,” 93.

131 Schönwälder, Karen, “The Difficult Task of Managing Migration: The 1973 Recruitment Stop,” in German History from the Margins, eds. Gregor, Neil, Roemer, Nils, and Roseman, Mark (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006), 253–256Google Scholar.

132 Chin, The Guest Worker Question; and Chin et al., After the Nazi Racial State, chapter 3.

133 Esser, Hartmut and Korte, Hermann, “Federal Republic of Germany,” in European Immigration Policy: A Comparative Study, ed. Hammar, Tomas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 196Google Scholar; see also Diehl, Claudia and Schnell, Rainer, “‘Reactive Ethnicity’ or ‘Assimilation’? Statements, Arguments, and First Empirical Evidence for Labor Migrants in Germany,” International Migration Review 40, no. 4 (2006): 800, 801, 803Google Scholar.

134 Gregor, Roemer, and Roseman, eds., German History from the Margins.

135 Devin Pendas, Mark Roseman, and Richard F. Wetzell convened a conference on this theme at Indiana University in October, 2009. For a detailed conference report, see Gilner, Patrick, “Beyond the Racial State: Rethinking Nazi Germany” Bulletin of the German Historical Institute 46 (Spring 2010): 163–170Google Scholar. Also see Bloxham, Donald, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 6–7Google Scholar.