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From Boondoggle to Settlement Colony: Hendrik Witbooi and the Evolution of Germany's Imperial Project in Southwest Africa, 1884–1894

  • Adam A. Blackler (a1)

Abstract

In the span of ten years, what started as a minor commercial enterprise in a faraway African territory grew into an important extension of the German state. This article reorients our understanding of the relationship between the Kaiserreich and its overseas empire, specifically with a focus on Captain Hendrik Witbooi and on how the Witbooi Namaqua he led influenced the evolution of German imperial rule in Southwest Africa between 1884 and 1894. Witbooi's refusal to accept imperial authority compelled colonial officials to confront their administrative limitations in the colony. When the façade of imperial fantasy gave way to colonial reality, German administrators expanded the size and scope of the imperial government to subdue the Namaqua. The article emphasizes the appointments of Landeshauptmann Curt von François and Governor Theodor Leutwein as critical examples of Witbooi's impact on imperial policy, as well as the colonial administration's embrace of military violence to attain German supremacy in Southwest Africa. An emphasis on the Witbooi Namaqua illustrates the prominent role of Africans in German colonial history and exposes how peoples in distant places like Windhoek and Otjimbingwe manipulated official efforts to control and exploit the colony.

Was als kleines kommerzielles Unterfangen in einem weit entfernt gelegenen afrikanischen Gebiet begann, wuchs im Laufe von zehn Jahren zu einer wichtigen Erweiterung des deutschen Staates an. In diesem Aufsatz wird unser Verständnis der Verbindung zwischen dem Kaiserreich und seiner Überseegebiete neu ausgerichtet, und zwar insbesondere mit einem Fokus auf Kaptein Hendrik Witbooi und wie die von ihm angeführten Witbooi Namaqua die Entwicklung deutscher Imperialherrschaft in Südwestafrika zwischen 1884–1894 beeinflussten. Durch Witboois Weigerung, die imperiale Befehlsgewalt anzuerkennen, wurden die Kolonialbeamten in der Kolonie mit ihren administrativen Grenzen konfrontiert. Als die Fassade der imperialen Fantasie von der kolonialen Realität abgelöst wurde, erweiterten die deutschen Administratoren Größe und Umfang der imperialen Herrschaft, um die Namaqua zu unterwerfen. Der Aufsatz konzentriert sich auf die Berufungen des Landeshauptmanns Curt von François und Gouverneurs Theodor Leutwein als entscheidende Beispiele für Witboois Einfluß auf die imperiale Politik sowie die Ergreifung militärischer Gewalt durch die Kolonialadministration zur Wahrung der deutschen Vorherrschaft in Südwestafrika. Eine solche, nähere Beschäftigung mit den Witbooi Namaqua zeigt die prominente Rolle der Afrikaner in der deutschen Kolonialgeschichte und enthüllt, wie Völker in fernen Orten wie Windhoek und Otjimbingwe die offiziellen Versuche, die Kolonie zu kontrollieren und auszubeuten, manipulierten.

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1 Hendrik Witbooi, “14. Witbooi an Göring vom Hornkranz,” March 23, 1889, in Witbooi, Hendrik, Afrika den Afrikanern! Aufzeichnungen eines Nama-Häuptlings aus der Zeit der deutschen Eroberung Südwestafrikas 1884 bis 1894 (Munich: JHW Dietz, 1982), 6061 . The Namaqua called Witbooi Knaob !Nanseb / Gabemab, which means: “The captain who disappears in the grass.” His Herero name was Korota.

2 The Afrikaners rose to prominence in central Namibia in the 1840s under the leadership of Jonker Afrikaner. After his death in 1861, Afrikaner hegemony waned as other groups moved into the territory. Jan Jonker Afrikaner assumed control of the Afrikaner after the death of his older brother in 1863. He later allied with the Herero and settled near Otjimbingwe. Jan Jonker Afrikaner died in battle against Hendrik Witbooi in 1889.

3 Koloniales Jahrbuch, vol. 2, 1889, in Drechsler, Horst, “Let Us Die Fighting”: The Struggle of the Herero and Nama against German Imperialism (1884–1915) (London: Zed Press, 1980), 27.

4 Ibid.

5 Sigmund Israel, Cape Argus, Feb. 7, 1885, in Drechsler, ibid., 26.

6 C.G. Büttner, “Deutschland und Angra Pequena,” Deutsche Kolonialzeitung, vol. 15, 1884.

7 Among the first groups to sign protection treaties with the German government were the Reheboth Basters, the “Red Nation,” the Bethanie people, and the Berseba.

8 For instance, Maharero, chief of the Herero (Ovaherero), signed a German protection treaty in 1885 to help defend his large cattle herds against Namaqua raids in central Damaraland. He soon discovered that German forces were too weak to provide any real protection and rejected the entire government as a false power. See Gewald, Jan-Bart, Towards Redemption: A socio-political history of the Herero of Namibia between 1890 and 1923 (Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1996).

9 Steinmetz, George, The Devil's Handwriting: Precoloniality and the German Colonial State in Qingdao, Samoa, and Southwest Africa (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 120 .

10 Christian Bochert, “The Witboois and the Germans in South West Africa: A Study of their Interaction between 1863 and 1905” (MA thesis, University of Natal, 1980), 45. Also see Steinmetz, The Devil's Handwriting, 45, 148.

11 Werner, Wolfgang, “A Brief History of Land Dispossession in Namibia,” Journal of Southern African Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1993): 138 .

12 See Gewald, Towards Redemption, 28–46.

13 Zantop, Susanne, Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, and Nation in Precolonial Germany, 1770–1870 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997).

14 See Hull, Isabel, Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany (London: Cornell University Press, 2005); Zimmerer, Jürgen, Deutsche Herrschaft über Afrikaner: Staatlicher Machtanspruch und Wirklichkeit im kolonialen Namibia (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2004); idem, Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz: Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Kolonialismus und Holocaust (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2011); idem, Genocide in German South-West Africa: The Colonial War of 1904–1908 and its Aftermath, trans. Neather, E. J. (Wales: Merlin Press, 2008); Madley, Benjamin, “From Africa to Auschwitz: How German South West Africa Incubated Ideas and Methods Adopted and Developed by the Nazis in Eastern Europe,” European History Quarterly 33, no. 3 (2003): 429–64; idem, Patterns of Frontier Genocide 1803–1910: The Aboriginal Tasmanians, the Yuki of California, and the Herero of Namibia,” Journal of Genocide Research 6, no. 2 (June 2004): 167–92.

15 Notable recent works include Dickinson, Edward Ross, “The German Empire: An Empire?,” History Workshop Journal 66, no. 1 (2008): 129–62; Kundrus, Birthe, “Die Kolonien—‘Kinder des Gefühls und der Phantasie,’” in Phantasiereiche. Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus, ed. Kundrus, Birthe (Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag, 2003), 718 ; Jaeger, Jens, “Colony as Heimat? The Formation of Colonial Identity in Germany around 1900,” German History 27, no. 4 (2009): 467–89; Fitzpatrick, Matthew, Liberal Imperialism: Expansionism and Nationalism, 1848–1884 (New York: Berghahn, 2008); O'Donnell, Krista, Bridenthal, Renate, and Reagin, Nancy, eds., The Heimat Abroad: The Boundaries of Germanness (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005).

16 See esp. Eley, Geoff, “Empire by Land or Sea?,” in German Colonialism in a Global Age, ed. Naranch, Bradley and Eley, Geoff (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014), 1945 ; Conrad, Sebastian, Globalisierung und Nation im deutschen Kaiserreich (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2006); Osterhammel, Jürgen, Die Verwandlung der Welt. Eine Geschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2009); Eckert, Andreas, Herrschen und Verwalten. Afrikanische Bürokraten, Staatliche Ordnung und Politik in Tansania, 1920–1970 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2007); idem, Afrikanische Nationalisten und die Frage der Menschenrechte,” in Moralpolitik: Geschichte der Menschenrechte im 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2010), 312–36; Bowersox, Jeff, “Boy's and Girl's Own Empires: Gender and the Uses of the Colonial World in Kaiserreich Youth Magazines,” in German Colonialism and National Identity, ed. Perraudin, Michael and Zimmerer, Jürgen (New York: Routledge, 2011), 5768 ; Ciarlo, David, “Picturing Genocide in German Consumer Culture, 1904–10,” in German Colonialism and National Identity, ed. Perraudin, Michael and Zimmerer, Jürgen (New York: Routledge, 2011), 6989 ; Lerp, Dörte, Imperiale Grenzräume. Bevölkerungspolitiken in Deutsch-Südwestafrika und den östlichen Provinzen Preußens 1884–1914 (Frankfurt/Main: Campus, 2016).

17 Notable exceptions include the classic works by Bley, Helmut, Kolonialherrschaft und Sozialstruktur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1894–1914 (Berlin: Leibniz-Verlag, 1968), and Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting.” More recent studies that emphasize African agency include Kienetz, Alvin, “The Key Role of the Orlam Migrations in the Early Europeanization of South-West Africa (Namibia),” The International Journal of African Historical Studies 10, no. 4 (1977): 553–72; Gewald, Jan-Bart, Herero Heroes: Socio-Political History of Namibia (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1999); Dedering, Tilman, “Hendrik Witbooi, the Prophet,” Kleio 25 (1993): 5478 ; Prein, Philipp, “Guns and Top Hats: African Resistance in German Southwest Africa, 1907–1915,” Journal of Southern African Studies 20, no. 1 (March 1994): 99121 ; Oremann, Nils, Mission, Church and State Relations in South West Africa under German Rule (1884–1915) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1999); Moyd, Michelle, Violent Intermediaries: African Soldiers, Conquest, and Everyday Colonialism in German East Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2014); Pugrach, Sara, Africa in Translation: A History of Colonial Linguistics in Germany and Beyond, 1814–1945 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2012); George Steinmetz, Devil's Handwriting.

18 The first ten years of German colonial rule (1884–1894) in DSWA constituted the formative colonial period. Bismarck designated Southwest Africa a Schutzgebiet (protectorate) in April 1884, and Germany's first war against Witbooi ended in September 1894.

19 Wolfe, Patrick, “Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387409 .

20 Along with the Witbooi Namaqua, the Herero were among the most powerful communities that challenged German supremacy in DSWA. Under the leadership of Maharero and later his son, Samuel Maharero, the Herero occasionally cooperated with German administrators during the early colonial period. They also influenced German imperial decisions after 1884, but this article engages exclusively with the Witbooi Namaqua. The intention here is not to downplay the historical importance of the Herero just to elevate the regional status of the Namaqua, but to emphasize the formative links between colony and metropole that existed before the genocide and racial segregation of the early twentieth century.

21 Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft.

22 Cooper, Frederick and Stoler, Ann Laura, “Between Metropole and Colony,” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, ed. Cooper, Frederick and Stoler, Ann Laura (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 6 .

23 Gewald, Towards Redemption, 38.

24 Vereinte Evangalische Mission (VEM)/Rheinische Missionsgesellschaft (RMG) 1.404, Johannes Olpp, “Beitrag zur Missionsgeschichte des Witbooistammes,” 1897.

25 Financial capital was in short supply after the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft für Südwestafrika (South West Africa Company, DKGfSWA) lost a majority of its investments in 1885–1886. Though this corporate firm included some of the wealthiest people in Germany, few were eager to support a colonial agenda that did not yield profits. See Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting, 32–35.

26 Bundesarchiv-Berlin (BArchB), Reichskolonialamt (RKA) 1001/1486, Berliner Neueste Nachrichten, Aug. 29, 1894.

27 See the Kirchenbuch Gibeon collection at the Archives of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church (ELC) in Windhoek, Namibia. Brigitte Lau remains the leading authority on Witbooi's early life. See her The Oppressed as Oppressors—Unsolved Issues of Namibian Historiography,” in Africa Seminar Collected Papers, ed. Spiegel, A. (Cape Town: Centre for African Studies, 1985).

28 Gewald, Towards Redemption, 26–27.

29 Steinmetz, The Devil's Handwriting, 112.

30 Missionaries Carl Hugo Hahn, Franz Heinrich Kleinschmidt, and Hans Christian Knudsen first arrived in Klein Namaqualand in May 1842. See Hahn, Carl Hugo, Tagbücher, 1837–1860. Diaries: A Missionary in Nama- and Damaraland, Part I: 1837–1845, ed. Lau, Brigitte (Windhoek: Windhoek Archives, 1984), 7778 ; Lau, Witbooi Papers, 196.

31 Witbooi's wife's name was Katharina (!Nanses). See “20. Witbooi an J. Olpp,” Jan. 3, 1890, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 73–77.

32 Zur Charakteristik der Namas (Namaquas),” Berichte der RMG 32 (3, 1876): 78 , in Steinmetz, Devil's Handwriting, 119.

33 Lau, The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, iii.

34 “20. Witbooi an Olpp,” Jan. 3, 1890, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 73–77.

35 Johannes Olpp, “Beitrag zur Geschichte des Witbooistammes, für die Barmer Missionsgesellschaft,” in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, iii. Also see Menzel, Gustav, ‘Widerstand und Gottesfurcht’. Hendrik Witbooi—eine Biographie in zeitgenössischen Quellen (Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2000).

36 Hendrik Witbooi's father, Moses, remained the official leader of the Witbooi Namaqua until his death in 1888. But his advanced age and ill health inspired a majority of the Namaqua to support Hendrik's efforts to replace his father as chief. See Lau, The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, 196.

37 Ibid., 34.

38 Drechsler argues that Germany's inability to protect the Herero in this period eventually convinced Samuel Maharero, Paramount Chief of the Herero, to cancel his treaty with Germany. See Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting!,” 33–34.

39 Göring, “Göring an Witbooi,” in Olusoga, David and Erichsen, Casper W., The Kaiser's Holocaust: Germany's Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism (London: Bloomsbury, 2010), 50 .

40 Walvis Bay was an extension of the British-controlled Cape Colony in 1884.

41 Witbooi, “Witbooi an Nels,” Sept. 27, 1886, in Olusoga and Erichsen, The Kaiser's Holocaust, 50. Also see Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting,” 34.

42 “Göring an Bismarck,” June 21, 1888, in Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting, 34.

43 The first contingent of Schutztruppen did not arrive in DSWA until 1889.

44 Boer settlers perceived the Khoikhoi's click language as a linguistic stammer and used the term Hottentot (stutters) to refer to the entire group. German colonialists later adopted the term and embraced its derogatory connotations.

45 Göring, “8. Göring an Witbooi,” Nov. 21, 1885, in The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, ed. Heywood, Annemarie and Maasdorp, Eben (Windhoek: Springwell Books, 1990), 1112 .

46 Göring, “24a. Göring an Witbooi,” May 20, 1890, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 85.

47 Witbooi, “68. Witbooi an die Engländer in Walfischbucht,” Aug. 4, 1892, in ibid., 143–48.

48 Witbooi, “26. Witbooi an Maharero,” May 30, 1890, in ibid., 91–92. Also see Bley, Kolonialherrschaft, 29.

49 Witbooi, “25. Witbooi an Göring,” May 29, 1890, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 86.

50 Ibid.

51 Kuss, Susanne, German Colonial Wars and the Context of Military Violence, trans. Smith, Andrew (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 8087 .

52 Loth, Heinrich, “Die Konzessionsperiode,” in Die christliche Mission in Südwestafrika: Zur destruktiven Rolle der Rheinischen Missionsgesellschaft beim Prozess der Staatsbildung in Südwestafrika (1842–1895) (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1963), 97 . Also see Baericke, Max Ewald, Lüderitzbucht 1908–1914. Historische Erinnerungen eines Diamantensuchers an die Zeit von 1908–1914 in Lüderitzbucht, Südwestafrika (Namibia Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft: Windhoek, 2001), 1922 .

53 Bley, Kolonialherrschaft, 3–15; Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 81–114.

54 The DKGfSWA's most prominent members included the notable German bankers Gerson von Bleichröder and Adolph von Hansemann; Count Guido Henckel von Donnersmarck, a successful industrialist; and Johannes von Miquel, the mayor of Frankfurt am Main.

55 BarchB, RKA 1001/1532, “Bericht an des Kaisers und Königs Majestät,” April 12, 1885.

56 BarchB, RKA 1001/1522, “Statut der Deutschen Colonial-Gesellschaft für Südwest-Afrika,” April 7, 1885.

57 Bley, Kolonialherrschaft, 3.

58 Barch, RKA 1001/1135, “Fürst Bismarck und die deutsche Kolonialpolitik,” Deutsche Kolonialzeitung, July 6, 1889.

59 Program of the General German Congress,” in Short, John Phillip, Magic Lantern Empire: Colonialism and Society in Germany (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 67 .

60 “Die Lage im Hererolande,” Deutsche Kolonialzeitung, Sept. 1, 1887. Also see Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 33.

61 Short, Magic Lantern Empire.

62 Stenographische Berichte des deutschen Reichstags (SBVdR), vol. 128, March 1, 1893.

63 Olusoga and Erichsen, Kaiser's Holocaust, 56.

64 Curt von François, “François an Krauel,” Oct. 29, 1889, in Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting, 43.

65 Ibid.

66 BarchB, RKA 1001/1134e, “Bemerkungen zu der Denkschrift der Deutschen Kolonial Gesellschaft: Die Ansiedlung einer Deutschen Gemeinde in Süd-West-Afrika,” March 3, 1891.

67 Werner Tabel, “Die Literatur der Kolonialzeit Südwestafrikas: Memoiren berühmter Persönlichkeiten, Teil 3: von François, Curt, in Afrikanischer Heimatkalender (Windhoek: Informationsausschuss der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Namibia), 78 .

68 François, “François an Bismarck,” Aug. 6, 1889, in Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting, 63 note 159.

69 von François, Curt, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika. Geschichte der Kolonisation bis zum Ausbruch des Krieges mit Witbooi (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1899), 153–54.

70 François und Witbooi, “59. Gespräch zwischen von François und Witbooi,” June 9, 1892, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 127.

71 Ibid., 127–28.

72 François, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, 153–54.

73 BarchB, RKA 1001/1486, “The Hottentot Power. Fighting in the North-West,” Cape Times, April 18, 1892.

74 François, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, 155–57.

75 François, “François an AAKA,” April 12, 1893, in Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 70.

76 von Bülow, Franz Joseph, Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Drei Jahre im Lande Hendrik Witboois. Schilderungen von Land und Leuten (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1896), 286–88.

77 BarchB, RKA 1001/1483, “Bericht an die AAKA,” Aug. 14, 1893.

78 BarchB, RKA 1001/1483, “Africa,” Kölnische Zeitung, April 16, 1893.

79 Ibid.

80 BarchB, RKA 1001/1484, “Südwestafrika,” Vossische Zeitung, Nov. 9, 1893.

81 BarchB, RKA 1001/1483, “Bericht vom Hoornkranz,” April 20, 1893. The British Magistrate translated this source.

82 BarchB, RKA 1001/1483, John J. Cleverly, “Hostilities between Germans and Hottentots,” May 9, 1893.

83 BarchB, RKA 1001/1483, Vossische Zeitung, Aug. 22, 1893.

84 This argument stands in direct contrast to that made by scholars who maintain that the roots of the Holocaust extend to German colonial policy in DSWA. Though supporters of the “von Windhuk nach Auschwitz” thesis look to the Herero-Namaqua genocide to bolster claims of genocidal continuity, neither the German government nor the public believed that mass killing was a reasonable solution to colonial instability. Compare Zimmerer, Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz; Madley, “From Africa to Auschwitz.”

85 Walther, Daniel Joseph, Creating Germans Abroad: Cultural Policies and National Identity in Namibia (Athen: Ohio University Press, 2002), 1214 . Also see Krüger, Gesine, Kriegsbewältigung und Geschichtsbewußtein. Realität, Deutung und Verarbeitung des deutschen Kolonialkriegs in Namibia. 1904 bis 1907 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999), 927 ; Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 15–30.

86 Though their influence waned as the colonial administration assumed more territory and political control, private companies continued to operate with significant power in DSWA up to the start of World War I. Several firms retained their investments and later expanded their regional control after the conclusion of the German-Herero-Namaqua war (“Herero Aufstand”) in 1908.

87 Leutwein arrived in DSWA in January 1894, but did not officially begin his duties as governor until April 1894. See Drechsler, “Let Us Die Fighting!,” 74.

88 Leutwein, Theodor, Elf Jahre Gouverneur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin: E.S. Mittler and Son, 1908), 411–12.

89 Ibid., 412.

90 BarchB, RKA 1001/1138, Ansiedlung insbesondere deutscher Bauern in Deutsch-Südwestafrika, Leutwein, “Berichte an die Auswärtiges Amt—Kolonial Abteilung,” June 13, 1903.

91 Leutwein, “110. Leutwein an Witbooi,” Feb. 9, 1894, in The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, ed. Lau, Brigitte (Windhoek: National Archive of Namibia, 1989), 121–23.

92 Leutwein, “96b. Leutwein an Witbooi,” May 5, 1894, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikanern!, 179–80.

93 Witbooi, “97. Witbooi an Leutwein,” May 6, 1894, in ibid., 180–81.

94 Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 414.

95 Leutwein, “108a. Leutwein an Witbooi,” Aug. 20, 1894, in Witbooi, Afrika den Afrikaner!, 197.

96 Witbooi, “111. Witbooi an Leutwein,” Sept. 3, 1894, in ibid., 199–200.

97 BarchB, RKA 1001/1487, Theodor Leutwein, Hendrik Witbooi, et al., “Schutz und Freundschafts-Vertrag,” 12–14.

98 BarchB, R151-F, Kaiserliches Gouvernement in Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, Nr. 82688, “Die rechtlichen Verhältnisse der Eingeborenen, abgesehen von der Gerichtsbarkeit,” W.III.A1, Reichskolonialamt 3. Verordnungsentwürfe, Jan. 8 1907.

99 Witbooi, “152. Witbooi an Leutwein,” Nov. 14, 1904, in Lau, The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, 158–59.

100 Witbooi died from wounds he sustained in a battle near Vaalgras in November 1905. The exact location of his grave is still unknown. See Lau, The Hendrik Witbooi Papers, xvii.

My thanks to Alex Wisnoski, Basit Hammad Qureshi, Ann Zimo, Tiffany D. Vann Sprecher, Cameron Bradley, Jesse Izzo, Melissa Hampton, and Jason Daniels for reading early drafts of this article. I am also grateful to Julia E. Ault, Eric S. Roubinek, Stephen Morgan, Eric D. Weitz, Gary B. Cohen, Andrew I. Port, and the two anonymous reviewers for their critical feedback and helpful commentary. Awards from the Central European History Society, the University of Minnesota, and Black Hills State University supported research for this article. Any remaining errors are, of course, my own.

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