Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-vfjqv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T14:53:11.325Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Shona reflexive as covert anaphora*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 April 2016

Dennis Ryan Storoshenko*
Affiliation:
University of Calgary

Abstract

This paper presents an analysis of reflexives in Shona. Taking seriously the observation that the reflexive morpheme zvi- is homophonous with one of Shona's object markers, I argue that this homophony is not accidental. Rather, the morpheme that emerges in reflexive contexts is object marking triggered by a covert anaphor. The analysis rests on two planks: first, establishing that zvi- is the default agreement form in the language generally; and second, establishing that a covert anaphor may trigger such an agreement. In so doing, a treatment of object marking as the exponence of discourse-givenness is advanced. The analysis is compatible with treatments of object marking in Shona as either an agreement affix or a clitic. Theoretical issues related to default agreement, covert anaphors, and distinctions between discourse-givenness and topicality are also discussed, along with an alternative account treating zvi- as a valence-reducing derivational affix.

Résumé

Cet article offre une analyse des marques réfléchies du shona. Partant de l'observation que le morphème réfléchi zvi- et une des marques d'objet sont homophones, je propose que cette homophonie n'est pas accidentelle. Le morphème qui apparait dans les contextes réfléchis est une marque d'objet autorisée par une anaphore invisible. Cette analyse repose sur deux idées: dans un premier temps, il faut établir que zvi- est la forme par défaut de l'accord dans cette langue; dans un second temps, il faut montrer qu'une anaphore invisible peut mener à cet accord. Ce faisant, une analyse de la marque d'objet comme l'exposant d'information donnée sera présentée. Cette analyse est compatible avec les analyses de la marque d'objet du shona comme un affixe d'accord ou un clitique. Je fournis une discussion concernant l'accord par défaut, les anaphores invisibles et la distinction entre information donnée et la topicalité. Enfin, sera examinée une analyse alternative qui traite du morphème zvi- comme un affixe dérivationnel qui réduit la valence.

Type
Articles
Copyright
© Canadian Linguistic Association/Association canadienne de linguistique 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Thanks to audiences at the working papers series at UBC and Yale for comments on earlier versions of this work, as well as the audience at the Bantu IV conference in Berlin. Thanks also to the three anonymous CJL reviewers whose comments have greatly improved this article. Unless otherwise indicated, all Shona data come from original fieldwork with speakers of the Karanga dialect of Shona residing in Canada and the USA. My thanks to those consultants for sharing their language with me. All errors are my own.

References

Adams, Nikki. 2010. The Zulu ditransitive verb phrase. Doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago.Google Scholar
Baker, Mark. 1985. The mirror principle and morphosyntactic explanation. Linguistic Inquiry 16(3): 373415.Google Scholar
Baker, Mark and Collins, Chris. 2006. Linkers and the internal structure of vP. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 24(2): 307354.Google Scholar
Baumbach, E.J.M. 1987. Analytical Tsonga grammar. Pretoria: University of South Africa.Google Scholar
Bax, Anna and Diercks, Michael. 2012. Information structure constraints on object marking in Manyika. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 30(2): 185202.Google Scholar
Bellusci, David Christian. 1991. Serialization patterns in Shona verbal morphology. Master's thesis, University of Calgary.Google Scholar
Biloa, Edmond. 1991. Anaphora and binding. Linguistics 29(5): 845859.Google Scholar
Bliss, Heather and Storoshenko, Dennis Ryan. 2008. Passivization and A movement in Shona. In Proceedings of the 2008 annual conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association, ed. Jones, Susie. http://homes.chass.utoronto.ca/cla-acl/actes2008/CLA2008_Bliss_Storoshenko.pdf, 10 pp.Google Scholar
Brauner, Siegmund. 1995. A grammatical sketch of Shona. Köln: Köppe.Google Scholar
Bresnan, Joan and Mchombo, Sam A.. 1987. Topic, pronoun, and agreement in Chiche ŵa. Language 63(4): 741782.Google Scholar
Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The minimalist program. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.Google Scholar
Cole, Peter and Sung, Li-May. 1994. Head movement and long-distance reflexives. Linguistic Inquiry 25(3): 355406.Google Scholar
Cowper, Elizabeth. 2005. A note on number. Linguistic Inquiry 36(3): 441455.Google Scholar
Creissels, Denis. 2002. Valence verbale et voix en Tswana. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 97(1): 371426.Google Scholar
Dalrymple, Mary, Mchombo, Sam, and Peters, Stanley. 1994. Semantic similarities and syntactic contrasts between Chiche ŵa and English reciprocals. Linguistic Inquiry 25(1): 145163.Google Scholar
Davis, Henry and Matthewson, Lisa. 2009. Issues in Salish syntax and semantics. Language and Linguistics Compass 3/4: 10971166.Google Scholar
Diercks, Michael. 2012. Parametrizing case: Evidence from Bantu. Syntax 15(3): 253286.Google Scholar
Du Plessis, J.A. and Visser, Marianna. 1992. Xhosa syntax. Pretoria: Via Afrika Ltd.Google Scholar
Fernando, Mbiavanga. 2008. An analysis of verbal affixes in Kikongo with special reference to form and function. Master's thesis, University of South Africa.Google Scholar
Fortune, George. 1955. An analytical grammar of Shona. London: Longmans, Green and Co.Google Scholar
Fortune, George. 1967. Elements of Shona. Harare: Longman Zimbabwe Ltd.Google Scholar
Fortune, George, ed. 1974. Ngano. Harare: Department of African Languages, University of Rhodesia.Google Scholar
Fortune, George. 1980. Shona grammatical constructions. Salisbury, Zimbabwe: Mercury Press.Google Scholar
Gundel, Jeanette K., Hedberg, Nancy, and Zacharski, Ron. 1993. Cognitive status and the form of referring expressions in discourse. Language 69(2): 274307.Google Scholar
Halpert, Claire. 2012. Case, agreement, EPP, and information structure: A quadruple dissociation in Zulu. In Proceedings of the 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, eds. Choi, Jaehoon, Hogue, E. Alan, Punske, Jeffrey, Tat, Deniz, Schertz, Jessamyn, and Trueman, Alex. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press, 9098.Google Scholar
Harford-Perez, Carolyn. 1985. Aspects of complementation in three Bantu languages. Doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison.Google Scholar
Harley, Heidi and Ritter, Elizabeth. 2002. Person and number in pronouns: A feature-geometric analysis. Language 78(3): 482526.Google Scholar
Hirose, Tomio. 2003. Origins of predicates. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Jelinek, Eloise. 1984. Empty categories, case, and configurationality. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 2(1): 3976.Google Scholar
Julien, Marit. 2002. Syntactic heads and word formation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Kioko, Angelina Nudku. 2005. Theoretical issues in the grammar of Kikamba. Munich: Lincom Europa.Google Scholar
Kunene, Euphrasia. 1975. Zulu pronouns and the structure of discourse. Studies in African Linguistics 6(2): 171183.Google Scholar
Marconnès, S.J., Rev. Francisque. 1931. A grammar of Central Karanga. Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand Press.Google Scholar
Marten, Lutz and Kula, Nancy C.. 2012. Object marking and morphosyntactic variation in Bantu. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 30(2): 237253.Google Scholar
McGinnis, Martha. 2005. On markedness asymmetries in person and number. Language 81(3): 699718.Google Scholar
Mchombo, Sam. 1993. Reflexive and reciprocal in Chicheŵa. In Theoretical aspects of Bantu grammar, ed. Mchombo, Sam. Stanford: CSLI, 181208.Google Scholar
Mous, Maarten. 2003. The making of a mixed language: The case of Ma'a/Mbugu. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.Google Scholar
Mugari, Victor. 2013. Object marking restrictions on Shona causative and applicative constructions. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 31(2): 151160.Google Scholar
Putnam, Michael and Gast, Volker. 2012. The syntax and semantics of excess: OVER-predicates in Germanic. In Proceedings of the 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, eds. Choi, Jaehoon, Hogue, E. Alan, Punske, Jeffrey, Tat, Deniz, Schertz, Jessamyn, and Trueman, Alex. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press, 223231.Google Scholar
Reinhart, Tanya and Siloni, Tal. 2005. The lexicon-syntax parameter: Reflexivization and other arity operations. Linguistic Inquiry 36(3): 389436.Google Scholar
Riedel, Kristina. 2009. The syntax of object marking in Sambaa. Doctoral dissertation, Univeristy of Leiden.Google Scholar
Schneider-Zioga, Patricia. 2007. Anti-agreement, anti-locality and minimality: The syntax of dislocated subjects. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25(2): 403446.Google Scholar
Sikuku, Justine M. to appear. Comparing reflexive and object marking in Lubukusu. In Proceedings of the World Conference of African Linguistics (WOCAL) 7. 16 pp.Google Scholar
Sohng, Hong-Ki. 2004. A minimalist analysis of X0 reflexivization in Chinese and Korean. Studies in Generative Grammar 14(3): 375396.Google Scholar
Visser, Marianna. 2008. Definiteness and specificity in the isiXhosa determiner phrase. South African Journal of African Languages 28(1): 1129.Google Scholar
Woolford, Ellen. 1995. Why passive can block object marking. In Theoretical approaches to African linguistics, ed. Akinlabi, Akinbiyi. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 199215.Google Scholar
Zeller, Jochen. 2004. Left dislocation in Zulu. Ms., University of KwaZulu-Natal.Google Scholar
Zeller, Jochen. 2012. Object marking in isiZulu. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 30(2): 219235.Google Scholar