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The career of Küçük Muḥammad (1676–94)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

Küçük Muḥammad was a man of obscure origin who, in 1087/1676, seized control of the Janissary headquarters in Cairo. Twice ousted from this position, he regained power there finally in 1103/1692, after collusion with Ibrāhīm Bey b. Dhi'l-Faqār, a prominent grandee of the Faqāriyya faction, and Ḥasan Ağga Balfiyya, the influential commanding officer of the Gönüllüyān corps.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1963

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References

page 269 note 1 ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī, ‘Ajā’ib al-āthār fi’l-tarājim wa’l-akhbār. Short reference, Jabartī. The edition used is the Būlāq edition, and all page-references in this article are to the first volume of this.

page 269 note 2 Holt, P. M., ‘Al-Jabartī's introduction to the history of Ottoman Egypt’, BSOAS, xxv, 1,1962, 3942Google Scholar: short reference, ‘Al-Jabartī's introduction’. For further remarks on the Arabic chronicles of Ottoman Egypt, see Holt, P. M., ‘The beylicate in Ottoman Egypt during the seventeenth century’, BSOAS, XXIV, 2, 1961, 214–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar: short reference, ‘Beylicate’.

page 269 note 3 The term ‘literary chronicles’ is used here to designate a genre of historical writing, and, does not imply elevation of style or correctness of grammar. The three chronicles discussed here are late and debased specimens of the genre, and from a stylistic point of view are but little superior to the popular chronicles.

page 270 note 1 See below, p. 271.

page 270 note 2 There also exists a fragmentary version (DC, i.e. Cambridge University Library, MS Add.2787) which is virtually identical with DO, and so does not demand separate consideration here.

page 270 note 3 I wish to express my gratitude to the Bibliothéque Nationale, Yale University Library, the Nationalbibliothek, Cambridge University Library, and the Bodleian Library for their kindness in providing me with microfilms of the manuscripts referred to.

page 271 note 1 For the viceroys of Egypt in the seventeenth century, see Holt, ‘Beylicate’, 227–9.

page 271 note 2 Jabartī, I, p. 6,11. 22–5; p. 56,1. 8. Ayalon, David, ‘The historian al-Jabartī and his background’, BSOAS, XXIII, 2, 1960, 222Google Scholar.

page 271 note 3 For the possible appropriation of another floating legend by DO, DC, and DL (the Feast of Ztyn al-Faqār) see P. M. Holt, ‘Al-Jabartī's introduction’, p. 44, n. 1.

page 272 note 1 See below, p. 282.

page 272 note 2 Al-Jabartī says that Rajab Kâhya absconded and then resigned his beylicate. PF says that he was arrested, and remained in the Citadel for ten days before being freed. The D Group chronicles all have a long account of Rajab Kâhya seeking asylum with Ibrāhīm Bey, and resigning the beylicate they do not mention his imprisonment. This is a typical example of the dramatizing tendency of the D Group.

page 272 note 3 More specifically, in both cases, a chronicle of the DO sub-group, since al-Jabarti's notice contains information about Rajab Kâhya's son, his house in Cairo, and the identity of Küçük Muhammad' sassassin, which is found in DO but not in DQ or DL.

page 272 note 4 The obituary may be broken down as follows:

p. 92,11. 4–7: K.M.'s action during the dearth of 1106 (D Group).

7–8: Story of K.M.'s donkey (unidentified).

8–9: Rise in prices after K.M.'s death (? PF).

10–32: Story of K.M. and the merchant (D Group).

p. 92, 1. 32–p. 93,1. 2: Al-Baghdādlī's attempt to kill K.M. (D Group),

p. 93,11. 3–18: Outline of K.M.'s career. This bears some resemblance to PF, and is clearly derived from a literary chronicle, but the dates are impossible to harmonize with the known sources, and it contains some data not otherwise recorded.

page 272 note 5 The D Group chronicles make ‘Alī Pasha VI a willing accomplice in the coup d'état of 1103/1692. See below, pp. 281–3.

page 273 note 1 cf. Aḥmad al-Jazzār, Niẓāmnāme-i Miṣir, ed. and tr. Stanford Shaw, J., Ottoman Egypt in the eighteenth century, Cambridge, Mass., 1962: English text, pp. 44–6Google Scholar; Turkish text, pp. 15–16: short reference, Niẓāmnāme. Cf. also below, p. 286.

page 274 note 1 See Holt, ‘Beylicate’, 220–3.

page 274 note 2 The best exposition is that by Ayalon, David, ‘Studies in al-Jabartī’, JESHO, III, 1960,148–74, 275–325Google Scholar: short reference, ‘Studies’. In some respects Ayalon's conclusions, which are almost wholly based on al-Jabartī's material, require modification; e.g. his remarks on the Sarrājūn (pp. 304–6) and ishrāq/çirak (pp. 321–2). On p. 307, n. 1, the anonymous work referred to should be Zubdat ikhtiṣār ta’rīkh mvlūk Miṣr. (BM MS Add. 9972).

page 274 note 3 See above, p. 273, n. 1.

page 275 note 1 Niẓāmnāme: Eng. text, pp. 23–6; Turkish text, pp. 7–8. There are two interesting points in al-Jazzār's description. The first is that when a master ended the personal service of his sarrāj, he allowed him to grow a beard. The growing of a beard similarly marked, in Ayalon's words, ‘a very important stage in the mamlūk's career’, either when he was emancipated, as European observers state, or on the eve of appointment to high office, as suggested by some passages in al-Jabartī. See Ayalon, ‘Studies’, 322–3. The second is al-Jazzār's use of the term çirak for the ex-sarrāj. This term (in its arabicized form ishrāq) is of frequent occurrence in a1-Jabartī.

page 275 note 2 Niẓāmnāme: Eng. text, pp. 24–6,50; Turkiṣh text, pp. 7–8, 10.

page 275 note 3 I cannot wholly accept Professor Ayalon's argument (‘Studies’, 282) that‘tdbi‘ and mamlūk of a certain patron are exactly the same in meaning’. As with other terms (e.g. ağa, çirak), tābi‘ seems to have had a general and one or more specific meanings.

page 275 note 4 Jabartī, I, p. 91,11. 29–30.

page 276 note 1 See Holt, ‘Al-Jabartī's introduction’, p. 44, II. 2; 46, n. 2; also s.v. ‘Dhu'l-Falḳāriyya’,El, second ed., II, 233.

page 276 note 2 For further information on the Seven Corps, see Shaw, Stanford J., The financial and administrative development of Ottoman Egypt, 1517–1798, Princeton, N.J., 1962, 189–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; short reference, Ottoman Egypt.

page 277 note 1 Richard Pococke, A description of the East and some other countries, London, 1743, I, 167.

page 277 note 2 Pococke, op. cit., I, 168–9: ‘In Constantinople they have Serbajees over every chamber; but here [sc. Egypt] a Serbajee is only an honorary thing, like a brevet-colonel… Among the janizaries, when any one is made a Serbajee,’tis laying him aside, and he is no further advanced’.Cf. Gibb, H. A. R. and Bowen, H., Islamic society and the West, I, 1, London, 1950, 319Google Scholar. Oda superseded orta in Egyptian usage, to signify a company.

page 277 note 3 See Holt, ‘Beylicate’, 243–5.

page 277 note 4 See Holt, ‘Beylicate’, 230–1.

page 277 note 5 See below, pp. 282–3.

page 278 note 1 Z, f. 18a; PF, ff. 58a–b; AC, sub (66) ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Pasha. The manuscript of AC is very sparsely foliated, and it is easier to refer to the viceroys (who are numbered consecutively in the margin) and to the year. The incident is not mentioned in al-Jabartī.

page 278 note 2 A curious, and possibly significant fact, is that the two kâyas bear names which may link them with Africa south of Egypt. Al-Ḥabashlī is, of course, arabicized Turkish for ‘the Abyssinian’, perhaps indicating an origin in the Ottoman province of Ḥabesh, i.e. the Red Sea littoral in the region of Suakin and Massawa. Muṣṭafā Kâhya is called in Z Sīnār, and in AC Sh.nār, possibly connecting him with the sultanate of Sinnār, in the Nile valley south of Nubia.

page 279 note 1 Z, f. 18a; PF, f. 58b; AC, sub (66) ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Pasha; Jabartī, 1, 93.

page 279 note 2 PF and AC both call the başçavuş al-Sharlf Muṣṭafā. ‘Aḥmad’ would seem to be a slip.

page 279 note 3 Another example of telescoping occurs in PF and AC, both of which link the killing of Muḥarram èavuş in Jirjā with that of Dhu’l-Faqār Kâhya.

page 279 note 4 Z, f. 18a; PF, f. 58b; AC, sub (66) ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Pasha; Jabartī, I, 93.

page 279 note 5 This would seem to be the significance of the expression labbasūhu al-ẓulama (Z), albasūhu al-ḍulama (PF, AC).

page 280 note 1 Jalab is the arabicized form of the Turkish celeb meaning one of the ‘Acemioğlān serving in the Imperial Palace. I am obliged to Professor Lewis for this information.

page 280 note 2 The sources for this episode in Küçük Muhammad's career are Z, ff. 19a–b; PF, f. 59b;AC, sub (68) Ḥamza Pasha. Jabartī, I, 93, ascribes the expulsion to Küçük Muḥammad's antagonism with Salīm Efendi and Rjab Kâhya, who appear in the earlier sources as his opponents in 1103/1692.

page 280 note 3 He is here called Jalab Khalīl Sarrāj; cf. above, p. 275

page 281 note 1 The sole source of information on this episode is Z, f. 20b.

page 281 note 2 Z, ff. 24b–25a.

page 281 note 3 See below, pp. 285–6.

page 282 note 1 PF, ff. 63a–b; AC, sub (72) ‘All Pasha.

page 282 note 2 DQ, ff. 4a–6a; DO, ff. 4a–5b; DL, ff. 9b–12a.

page 282 note 3 DQ, ff. 4a–b.

page 283 note 1 Z, f. 25b; DQ, f. 6a; DO, f. 8b; DL, f. 14a.

page 283 note 2 Z, f. 25a; DO, f. 7a; reason for his banishment not stated. DQ, f. 66; ‘he made an; innovation against the Qänūn’. DL, f. 12a; ‘he requested the increase’ (ṭcdab al-zāyid). The D Group chronicles all state that Ḥasan Balfiyya brought about his return: DQ, f. 6b; DO, ff. 8b‘9a; DL, f. 13b.

page 283 note 3 Z, ff. 26a–b.

page 284 note 1 Z, f. 27a.

page 284 note 2 PF, f. 64a.

page 284 note 3 AC, sub (72) ‘Alī Pasha.

page 284 note 4 DQ, f. 8a. The term jundī had, however, the technical meaning of a Mamluk trooper:cf. Niẓāmnāme; Eng. text, p. 30; Turkish text, p. 10.

page 284 note 5 DO, f. 9a. Sīmānī, from Turkish seğmen, usually means in late Arabic contexts, a mercenary.

page 284 note 6 DL, f. 17a.

page 285 note 1 Z, f. 25a.

page 285 note 2 PF, f. 63a; AC, sub (72) ‘Alī Pasha.

page 285 note 3 See Cahen, Cl., ‘Notes pour l'histoire de la ḥrimāya’, in Mélanges Louis Massignon,Damascus, 1956, 287303Google Scholar; and, for Ottoman Egypt, Shaw, Ottoman Egypt, index s.v. ‘Mâl-i Ḥimâye’ et seqq.

page 286 note 1 The episode may be found in the following passages: PF, f. 64a; AC, sub (72) ‘All Pasha; DQ, f. 7b; DO, f. 9a; DL, ff. 13b–14a.

page 286 note 2 Amīn, in this context, refers probably to the customs officers, but perhaps also to the amīn al-bdḥrayn, the holder of a very profitable post at Būlāq and al-Fusṭāṭ. See Shaw, Ottoman Egypt, 103, 123–5, and also index, s.v. ‘Emîn’, et seqq.

page 287 note 1 Jabartī, i, 92,11. 4–9.

page 287 note 2 DQ, ff. 6b–7b; DO, ff. 7a–8b; DL, ff. 14a–17a; Jabartī, I, 92,11. 10–32.

page 287 note 3 DQ, f. 8a; DL, f. 17a.