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3 ‘Physiology of circulation’, Medico-chirurgical Review, and Journal of Medical Science, 1 June 1823, p. 38, quoted in Gabriel, Joseph M., Medical Monopoly: Intellectual Property Rights and the Origins of the Modern Pharmaceutical Industry, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2014, p. 25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The first section of this paper is partially a summary of some of the arguments I made in Medical Monopoly; I have included this material for those readers who are unaware of my earlier work and because it is essential to the development of the argument later in the paper. On the relationship between medical science and physician character in the nineteenth-century United States see also Baker, Robert, Before Bioethics: A History of American Medical Ethics from the Colonial Period to the Bioethics Revolution, New York: Oxford University Press, 2013 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Browner, Stephanie B., Profound Science and Elegant Literature: Imagining Doctors in Nineteenth-Century America, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005, pp. 15–38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Warner, John Harley, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820–1885, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Anon., , ‘Patents in medicine and surgery,’ Medical and Surgical Reporter (1867) 17, pp. 190–191 Google Scholar, quoted in Gabriel, Joseph M., ‘A thing patented is a thing divulged: Francis E. Stewart, George S. Davis, and the legitimization of intellectual property rights in pharmaceutical manufacturing, 1879–1911’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (2009), 64, pp. 135–172, 144CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Quoted in Baker, op. cit. (3), p. 94.

6 ‘Code of Medical Ethics’, Proceedings of the National Medical Conventions (1847), pp. 91–106. On the 1847 code and its implications see Baker, op. cit. (3); Baker, Robert B., Caplan, Arthur L., Emanuel, Linda L. and Latham, Stephen R. (eds.), The American Medical Ethics Revolution: How the AMA's Code of Ethics Has Transformed Physicians’ Relationships to Patients, Professionals, and Society, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baker, Robert (ed.), The Codification of Medical Morality, vol. 2: Anglo-American Medical Ethics and Medical Jurisprudence in the Nineteenth Century (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haller, John S. Jr, American Medicine in Transition, 1840–1910 (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1981), pp. 234–279 Google Scholar.

7 For example, Proceedings of the State Medical Convention of the Medical Society of the State of North Carolina (1849), pp. 9, 12. Baker, op. cit. (3), pp. 182–183, briefly discusses tensions between the Ohio and Massachusetts medical societies and the AMA over patenting; see also Haller, op. cit. (6), pp. 240–242.

8 Hooker, Worthington, Physician and Patient; or, a Practical View of the Mutual Duties, Relations and Interests of the Medical Profession and the Community, New York: Baker and Scribner, 1849, p. 89 Google Scholar.

9 ‘Nostrum venders’, Chicago Medical Journal (February 1859), p. 127; ‘Progress of medical science’, Medical Times and Gazette, 13 March 1852, p. 270. On so-called patent medicines, the standard work is still Young, James Harvey, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America before Federal Regulation, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961 Google Scholar.

10 Gabriel, op. cit. (3), pp. 63–69. See also United States patent number 231,236 (1880). On Albert B. Lyons see Liebenau, Jonathan, Medical Science and Medical Industry: The Formation of the American Pharmaceutical Industry, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987, pp. 43–44 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 On the commercialization of drug plants from California by Parke-Davis see Gabriel, op. cit. (3), pp. 89–91. For an account of another botanical expedition supported by the company see Bender, George A., ‘Rough and ready research – 1887 style’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (1968), 23, pp. 159–166 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

12 Gabriel, op. cit. (3), pp. 78–98, 114–123, 139–145. On the introduction of the German synthetic drugs see also McTavish, Jan R., Pain & Profits: The History of the Headache and Its Remedies in America, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004 Google Scholar.

13 Anon., , ‘Editorial. patents and trade-marks,’ Medical and Surgical Reporter (1896) 75, p. 341 Google Scholar, quoted in Gabriel, op. cit. (3), p. 170. As I argue in Medical Monopoly, Francis E. Stewart, who was both a physician and pharmacist and worked closely with Parke-Davis during the 1880s, was one of the most important reformers leading this effort. See Gabriel, op. cit. (3), pp. 133–139, 164–171, 188–194. On the broader rejection of orthodox medical ethics among physicians, of which the embrace of patenting was one part, see also Baker, op. cit. (3); John Harley Warner, ‘The 1880s rebellion against the AMA Code of Ethics: “scientific democracy” and the dissolution of orthodoxy’, in Baker et al., op. cit. (6), pp. 52–69.

14 Lane, L.C., ‘Address of welcome to the American Medical Association’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 23 June 1894, p. 956 Google Scholar.

15 Simonton, A.C., ‘Code of revision’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 5 May 1894, pp. 678–679 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a rejoinder see Davis, Nathan S., ‘Proposed revision of the Code of Ethics of the American Medical Association’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 14 April 1894, p. 557 Google Scholar.

16 Conner, Lewis A., writing in ‘Report of the Committee on the Pharmacopeia’, Transactions of the Section on Practice of Medicine of the American Medical Association at the Sixteenth Annual Session (1909), p. 325 Google Scholar. On the adrenalin patent dispute between Parke-Davis and H.K. Mulford & Company see Gabriel, op. cit. (3), pp. 230–237; Harkness, Jon, ‘Dicta on Adrenalin(e): myriad problems with Learned Hand's product-of-nature pronouncements in Parke-Davis v. Mulford ’, Journal of the Patent and Trademark Office Society (2011) 93, pp. 363–399 Google Scholar; Beauchamp, Christopher, ‘Patenting nature: a problem of history,’ Stanford Technology Law Review (2013) 16, pp. 257–311 Google Scholar.

17 ‘Principles of medical ethics’, Journal of the Indiana State Medical Association, 15 September 1912, pp. 406–410, 407.

18 ‘Report of the Judicial Council’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 4 July 1914, p. 106.

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22 ‘Anti-vivisectionists make hopeless fight’, Philadelphia Inquirer, 18 May 1911, p. 6.

23 Notable legal cases in this regard include Mohr v. Williams 95 Minn. 261 (1905); Luka v. Lowrie 171 Mich. 122 (1912); Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital 133 NYS 1143 (1914); Barfield v. S. Highland Infirmary 191 Ala. 553 (1915). As far as I know, a detailed history of the origins of this legal concept in the United States has not yet been written, but for a general history see Faden, Ruth R. and Beauchamp, Tom L., A History and Theory of Informed Consent, New York: Oxford University Press, 1986 Google Scholar.

24 See Lederer, Susan E., ‘“The right and wrong of making experiments on human beings”: Udo J. Wile and syphilis, 1917’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine (1984) 58, pp. 380–397 Google Scholar.

25 ‘The right and wrong of making experiments on human beings’, Journal of the American Medical Association (1916) 19, pp. 1372–1373 Google Scholar.

26 ‘Historical financial data’ (1958), Parke, Davis Research Laboratory Records, 1902–1950, Archives Center, National Museum of American History (hereafter PDR), b.5, f. BDd 1958.

27 Patents assigned to the firm following the war included US patent numbers 1,271,111 (1918), 1,286,944 (1918), 1,443,552 (1923), 1451357 (1923), 1,624,546 (1927), 1,615,870 (1927), 1,663,205 (1928), 1664123 (1928), 1,665,781 (1928), 1,717,198 (1929).

28 Swann, John, Academic Scientists and the Pharmaceutical Industry: Cooperative Research in Twentieth-Century America, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988 Google Scholar; Furman, Jeffrey L. and MacGarvie, Megan J., ‘Academic science and the birth of industrial research laboratories in the U.S. pharmaceutical industry’, Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization (2007) 63(4), pp. 756–776 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rasmussen, Nicolas, ‘The drug industry and clinical research in interwar America: three types of physician collaborator’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine (2005) 79, pp. 50–80 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Oudshorn, Nelly, ‘United we stand: the pharmaceutical industry, laboratory and clinic in the development of sex hormones into scientific drugs, 1920–1940’, Science, Technology and Human Values (1993) 18, pp. 5–24 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Parascandola, John, The Development of American Pharmacology: John J. Abel and the Shaping of a Discipline, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992, pp. 91–125 Google Scholar; Liebenau, op. cit. (10).

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30 Quoted in Cassier and Sinding, op. cit. (29), p. 154 n. 11.

31 Unclear to E.M. Houghton, 10 November 1927, PDR, b. 25, f. KJc 1922–1929.

32 The phrase ‘entrepreneurial science’ is taken from Etzkowitz, op. cit. (29).

33 Greg, Alan, ‘University Patents’, Science (10 March 1933), p. 259 Google Scholar.

34 For example, when pharmacologist Arthur L. Tatum at the University of Wisconsin began working on barbiturates with Abbott, he suggested that ‘any ideas that we have as to means of study, which are new – in other words, original ideas applicable to the problem – we feel as though should be kept confidential, at least until we say so’. Arthur Tatum to J.F. Biehn, 21 October 1929, Arthur Tatum Papers, University of Wisconsin Archives, b. 1, f. 1. On Tatum see Swann, op. cit. (28).

35 Morris Fishbein, ‘Medical patents’, op. cit. (1), p. 1542; Morris Fishbein to Claude E. Forkner, 28 December 1937, Morris Fishbein Papers, University of Chicago (hereafter MFP), b. 92, f. 12; ‘Copper–iron patent’, 20 April 1933, MFP, b. 92, f. 13. See also ‘Problem of medical patents’, Journal of the American Medical Association, 22 July 1933, pp. 284–285; and correspondence in MFP, esp. b. 13.

36 Report of the Conference on Medical Patents under the Auspices of the Board of Trustees, American Medical Association, Chicago: American Medical Association, 1939 Google Scholar.

37 Torald Sollman in Report of the Conference on Medical Patents, op. cit. (36), pp. 49–50.

38 Morris Fishbein in Report of the Conference on Medical Patents, op. cit. (36), p. 45.

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47 Quoted in Tobbell, op. cit. (40), p. 102.

48 Quoted in ‘Washington news’, Journal of the American Medical Association (1965) 192, p. 15 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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59 On the history of generic drugs in the United States, including the debate about therapeutic equivalence, see Greene, Generic, op. cit. (40); Tobbell, op. cit. (40); Carpenter, Daniel and Tobbell, Dominique, ‘Bioequivalence: the regulatory career of a pharmaceutical concept’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine (2011) 85, pp. 93–131 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. On the nineteenth-century origins of generic names see Gabriel, op. cit. (3).

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