¹ The press is no. 8 in the list of secret presses given in A&R (pp. 184-5). It has typographical features that connect it with the Catholic printer, William Wrench, who is known to have been active in Staffordshire at this period. For advice concerning secret presses referred to in this article I am greatly indebted to Dr D. M. Rogers, my co-author in A&R, who has made a special study of the subject.

² There is no justification for A. J. Hawkes’s claim (‘The Birchley Hall Secret Press’, Library (1926), p. 159) that this advertisement was written by the author himself with his tongue in his cheek. The author’s own preface to the second edition makes it quite clear that the first edition had been issued without his knowledge and against his wishes. If the initials I.Br. stand for ‘John Brereley’, as Hawkes assumes without any evidence, the only possible explanation would be that the author later adopted as his pseudonym the name of the editor, whoever he was, of the first.

³ See Newdigate, C. A., ‘Notes on the Seventeenth-Century Printing Press of the English College at Saint Omers’, Library (1919), pp. 179-90, 223–42.Google Scholar

⁴ No. 12 irr the list of secret presses in A&R. See note 1.

⁵ Identified by A&R from typographical evidence.

⁶ The fullest printed accounts of the Andertons of Lostock will be found in Gibson, T. E., Lydiate Hall and its Associations (1876), pp. 58–60Google Scholar, and in V. C. H. Lanes, 5, p. 297. Hawkes (art. cit., note 2) adds one or two important particulars supplied to him by the late Harry Ince Anderton from unpublished researches into his family history. R. Somerville’s sketch of James’s life in his list of office-holders in the County Palatine (History of the Duchy of Lancaster, 1 (1963), pp. 489, 496-8) adds some valuable references to unpublished sources but suffers badly by confusing James Anderton of Lostock with his kinsman, James Anderton of Clayton, whom Somerville erroneously assumes to be the same person. For James Anderton of Clayton see note 25.

⁷ S.P. 12/235, f. 8r.

⁸ S.P. 12/243, f. 194r.

⁹ Hatfield Calendar, 4, p. 242.

¹⁰ S.P. 12/666, f. 28r.

¹¹ See Somerville, R., ‘The Duchy of Lancaster Council and Court of Duchy Chamber’ (Trans. R. Hist. Soc., 4th ser., 23 (1941), pp. 159–77).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Somerville op. cit., note 6, p. 496, and Gibson op. cit., note 6, p. 250.

¹³ Harland, J., The Lancashire Lieutenancy, 1859 Google Scholar (Chetham Soc. Remains, 50), p. 244. James Anderton of Clayton also signed.

¹⁴ This seems to be indicated by the fact that a new patent for the office was granted to Christopher Anderton of Horwich, a relative of James, in 1607. See Williams, W. R., Official Lists of the Duchy and County Palatine of Lancaster (1901), p. 88.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Information communicated by H. I, Anderton to A. J. Hawkes. See note 6.

¹⁶ Gibson’s statement that in 1613 he signed as J.P. an address at Wigan for the disarming of recusants is an error caused by confusion with James Anderton of Clayton. See note 25.

¹⁷ See IPM of James’s brother, Christopher, taken 21 March 1620, and IPM of Peter Boulton, taken 26 March 1612 (Lancashire Inquisitions, Stuart period, pt 2, pp. 161-4, and pt 1, pp. 196-7. Record Soc. of Lancashire and Cheshire, 16, 17).

¹⁸ See his IPM, taken 6 April 1616 (op. cit., note 17, pt 2, p. 25). Gibson (op. cit., note 6, p. 60) is mistaken concerning the dates of his death and of his IPM.

¹⁹ A.P.C. 1613-14, pp. 274-5, 338-9. Cal. S.P.D. 1611-18, pp. 210, 213. The list of books sent to London by the Bishop does not appear to have survived. In its place has been misfiled an undated list of Catholic books which properly belongs to the year 1623. See C. A. Newdigate, ‘Birchley—or Saint Omers?’, Library (1926), p. 316. The letter of 15 January 1614 from the Privy Council to the Lancashire justices (A.P.C. 1613-14, pp. 338-9) provides some valuable details concerning the recusant network in the county at this period: ‘Whereas information is given unto us that James Anderton of Lostock in that county of Lancaster, lately deceased, did upon his death bed deliver unto one William Crumpton, servant to Cuthbert Clifton, of Westbie, esquire, the sum of 1,500 [li.] to be disposed for the maintenance of priests and Jesuits, which said sum was conveyed by him the said Crumpton to Therlem Castle, adjoining to a place called Wharmore Park, where the Lady Gray now dwelleth [the justices are to use all means secretely to inform themselves further]…. We think it meet that you examine the said Crumpton, together with the Lady Gray, and such of her servants or others whom you shall think fit, as well touching the bequest of the said 1,500 [li.], as what is now become of it, or in whose hands it remaineth [and, if found, either seize it or at least ensure its safe custody]…. And forasmuch as it is likewise informed that one Scroope, alias Lawrence Anderton, a Jesuit, did reconcile the said James Anderton, lying on his death bed, to the Church of Rome, and persuaded him to bequeath the said money for the uses aforesaid, and was trusted with the disbursing thereof accordingly: we do in like manner require you to endeavour by all means to apprehend the said Anderton, and to send him up hither unto us [and also to examine the executors or administrators of James Anderton’s estate to find out whether they know anything about the bequest[…’. Westby Hall, the home of the strongly recusant Clifton family, was situated at Kirkham in the Fylde district of Lancashire, some twenty-five miles north-west of Lostock. In 1606, Cuthbert Clifton (1582-1634) acquired the manor of Lytham in the same district which became his main residence in 1625 (V.C.H. Lanes, 7, pp. 163, 175, 215). Thurland (Therlem) Castle, to which Clifton’s servant is said to have taken the money, was at Cantsfield in Quernmore (Wharmer) Forest, a hilly, inaccessible district north-west of Lancaster and some thirty miles from Westby as the crow flies. Thurland, formerly the home of the Tunstall family, belonged at this period to Nicholas Girlington who was strongly recusant (V.C.H. Lanes, 8, pp. 74-76, 232-7). The fact that so large a sum of money was sent there rather than to any other recusant house in Lancashire seems to indicate that it was a Catholic focal centre for the whole county, a conclusion reinforced by the report that Lady Gray was living there. Catherine, daughter of the rebel Charles Neville, Earl of Westmorland, and widow of the recusant Sir Thomas Gray of ChilIyigham, Northumberland, had for years dedicated her energies and fortune to the Catholic cause. In 1594, at the trial of the martyr John Boste, she was accused of having helped him at Newcastle (Morris, Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, 3, pp. 178, 186). In 1606, it was reported that she had three houses in or about London that were being used to shelter Driests ÍR.H. (January 1966), p. 244).

²⁰ For James’s IPM see note 18.

²¹ This unpublished poem is contained in the folio MS. (now Bodleian Lobrary, MS. Eng. Poet. c. 61) discussed on pp. 24-25 of the present article where further details about the marriage will be found.

²² Wing W 2930. Clancy 1102. The passage occurs on Sig. A3r.

²³ Letter of 2 March 1656 from Fr John Clarke, Rector at Liège, reporting the death at the College of Fr Henry Holland, S.J. Clarke is transmitting to the General a eulogium of Holland by someone (unnamed in the letter) at the College. It includes the following statement: In magna gravissimorum Patrum copia unus ille electus est, qui audiret primam confessionem celeberrimi illius viri interque suae aetatis doctissimos iure numerandi, Domini Iacobi Andertoni de Lostock, qui eruditum ilium scripsit librum, cui titulus Protestantium Apologia (A.R.S.J. Anglia 34, f. 271r. Microfilm at A.P.S.J.). It would seem that the author of the eulogium (whose memory Fr Clarke admits in his letter is not entirely to be trusted) is here confusing Henry Holland with Lawrence Anderton. Holland was two years younger than Anderton and three years his junior in the Society. He earned a great reputation for making distinguished converts at a slightly later period. This confusion of persons, however, does not invalidate the evidence that the statement provides for the tradition that James Anderton of Lostock was the author of the Apologie.

²⁴ C. Dodd, pseud., The Church History of England, 1737, etc., 2, p. 386.

²⁵ He was of Clayton-Ie-Woods, near Chorley, Lanes. His father, Hugh Anderton of Euxton (a distant relative of the Andertons of Lostock), held a moiety of the manor of Clayton. James was admitted to Grays Inn in 1562-63 (Register of Admissions, col. 31. The entry says merely ‘James Anderton’ but this would be too early for James of Lostock). He subsequently held various public offices: Receiver for the possessions of Furness Abbey from 1579, Steward of the Royal Manor of Muchland in Furness from 1591, Constable of Lancaster Castle from 1595. With James Anderton of Lostock he was farmer of the goods of felons and outlaws towards the end of Elizabeth’s reign. On the accession of James I in 1603, he signed (as did James of Lostock) the protestation of loyalty by the gentry of Lancashire. He sat as a magistrate, and in 1612 was one of the J.P.s who signed an address at Wigan for the disarming of recusants. He is said to have died in 1630. His eldest son, also named James, was reported, together with his wife, as a recusant in 1628. His second son, Hugh, a convert of Fr Richard Blount, S.J., entered the English College, Rome, in 1600, entered the Society of Jesus while at the College but died in 1603 while still in minor orders. (V.C.H. Lanes, 6, pp. 31-32; C.R.S. 54, p. 99; Foley, 3, pp. 489-90; Somerville, op. cit., note 6, pp. 489, 496-8, with the caveat made in note 6).

²⁶ In Earwaker’s Local Gleanings (see note 74), 2, pp. 286-7. For Lydiate Hall, see note 6.

²⁷ See note 80.

²⁸ The folio MS. was purchased by Gillow at the Phillipps sale of 10 June 1896, lot 763. Phillipps had acquired it from the bookseller Thomas Thorpe in 1836. Its earlier provenance is unknown. It is now Bodleian Library MS. Eng Poet. c. 61. The quarto MS. bears the date (presumably of acquisition) in Gillow’s hand on the front fly-leaf: May 1st 1912. Its provenance has not been established. It is now Bodleian Library MS. Eng. Poet. e. 122.

²⁹ Gillow says (vol. 1, p. 34) incorrectly ‘younger son’. For the correction and for further details about the different branches of the family based on research by H. I. Anderton, see Hawkes, op. cit., note 2, pp. 143-4.

³⁰ Venn, 1, p. 29.

³¹ Anthony Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, 1, 479-80 (1691-92 ed.), under Robert Bolton of Blackburn who was at Blackburn Grammar School at the same time as Lawrence and whom the latter tried unsuccessfully to convert to Catholicism.

³² The statement, apparently first made by George Oliver (Collections, 1845, p. 45) and often since repeated, that Lawrence took orders in the Anglican church, seems to be without foundation. Wood says that he left Christ’s College because of his dissatisfaction with Anglicanism and implies that he went abroad straight away.

³³ This passage in Lawrence’s career has not hitherto been noticed. It is established by two connected pieces of evidence. One of Lawrence’s converts, Henry Morley (see note 39), who went to the English College, Rome, in 1621, to train for the priesthood, adopted the name Lawrence Rigby as his alias while at the College, stating in his Responsa that this was the alias that Father Scroop (i.e. Lawrence Anderton, see note 19], who had converted him to the Catholic faith, had himself used when making his studies (C.R.S. 54, p. 341). Morley does not say at which of the colleges Lawrence had studied, but the only earlier occurrence of the name Lawrence Rigby at any of the English colleges abroad is found in the fragmentary records of Seville. The name appears in a list of students at Seville supplied to the English government in 1600 by William Jehoseph, himself a former student of the College (R.H. [October 1967], pp. 165, 169). Jehoseph had been at Seville from c. 1594 to c. 1599, and the names on his list are those of students whom he remembered to have known there during that period. His testimony 1s supported by the viaticum given by the College to Lawrence Rigby in 1602-03 (see note 34).

³⁴ R.H. (October 1967), p. 169. The entry in the College records gives the name in the form Ribe or Rebe. For Riby/Ribby as an alternative form of this Lancashire name, see V.C.H. Lanes, 7, p. 157.

³⁵ A.R.S.J. Anglia 13, f. 01. Microfilm at A.P.S.J. Printed in Foley, 7, pt 1, p. lxix. Lawrence Anderton (misprinted Anderson by Foley, loc. cit.) is no. 24 on the list. The purpose of the catalogues was to provide statistics of the Jesuit mission for the information of the General at Rome. They were compiled by the mission superior from information supplied by the heads of local districts and houses. Starting in 1621, two years after the English mission was erected into a Vice-Province of the Society, the catalogues assumed the standard form used in Jesuit provinces, i.e. there was a triennial catalogue drawn up in three parts, two of which dealt with personnel and the third with finances, and a shorter, annual catalogue in a single part. Before this, a more rudimentary form of catalogue had been prepared by the mission superior at irregular intervals, starting in 1609. We have taken the 1610 catalogue as our authority for particulars concerning Lawrence Anderton because the figures given in 1610 correct a number of slips made in 1609, and the corrections are confirmed by the later catalogues. The 1610 catalogue is the only one to have been printed in full. I should like to express my gratitude here to Rev. T. McCoog, S.J., for kindly allowing me to consult his as yet unpublished doctoral thesis on the organisation and administration of the early Jesuit mission to England. Fr McCoog’s thesis includes a list of all the extant English catalogues from 1621 to 1700 (chapter 1, Appendix 1).

³⁶ The 1610 catalogue (see note 35) says that he has been a Jesuit for six years and a priest on the mission for eight years, which implies that he joined the Society while a priest in England. All subsequent catalogues compiled in Lawrence’s lifetime confirm these figures and show that he never left the mission. Foley, although he prints the 1610 catalogue, fails to interpret it correctly and falls back on guesswork, saying without any evidence at all that Lawrence went to Rome to join the Society in 1604 and afterwards taught in colleges abroad (vol. 7, p. 11, and vol. 3, p. 775).

³⁷ See note 19.

³⁸ See note 19.

³⁹ C.R.S. 54, pp. 342-3 and pp. 341-2, and see note 19 above. For Morley see also note 33.

⁴⁰ Foley, 7, p. 11.

⁴¹ The authority for this is Montague himself in An apologeticall answere of the Viscount Montague vnto sundrie important aspersions (Holograph M.S., dated at the end: 30 October 1628, in C.R.S. archives) where Anderton is frequently mentioned as a visitor to the house from late 1627 onwards.

⁴² A.R.S.J. Anglia 13, f. 68r, no. 23. Microfilm at A.P.S.J.

⁴³ A.R.S.J. Anglia. Epist. Gen. 1605-41, I, 2, ff. 274, 279, 284, 293. Photocopy at A.P.S.J.

⁴⁴ Foley, 4, pp. 534-5, citing ‘A note of Papists and priests assembled at St Winefrid’s Well, on St Winefrid’s day, 1629’ from S.P. 16/151, f. 212. The MS. refers to Anderton as being resident in Clifton’s house at Lytham. There is no evidence at all to support Gillow’s statement (C.R.S. 16, p. 422) that Lawrence Anderton was the author of the poem ‘To the Pilgrimes of Holie-well, the Life and martirdome of holie saynt Wenefride, briefly collected, anno dni. 1641’ which forms part of the quarto MS. described on p. 24 of the present article.

⁴⁵ A.R.S.J. Anglia. Epist. Gen. 1605-41, I, 2, f. 330v. Photocopy at A.P.S.J.

⁴⁶ A.R.S.J. Anglia 13, ff. 96v, 141v, 188r. Photocopy at A.P.S.J.

⁴⁷ A.R.S.J. Anglia 13, f. 231r. Photocopy at A.P.S.J.

⁴⁸ Foley, 7, p, 11, taking his information from the Jesuit Necrology.

⁴⁹ See p. 18 (under item no. 2) of the present article.

⁵⁰ A.R.S.J. Anglia 14, f. 37r. Photocopy at A.P.S.J.

⁵¹ The poem ‘To the Pilgrimes of Holie-well’ referred to in note 44.

⁵² He married Anne, daughter of Sir Walter Blount of Sodington, Worcestershire (Visitation of Lancashire by Sir William Dugdale, 1664-65, Chetham Soc., Remains, 1st ser., 84, p. 5). The ode refers to the bride simply by her Christian name, Anne. The marriage registers of Sodington do not appear to be extant for this period but the date of the wedding can be put at c. 1631-32 for the following reasons: (1) Dugdale’s entry, dated 22 September 1664, gives James’s age as 47, which means that he was born between 22 September 1616 and the same day in 1617; (2) the ode speaks of him at the time of the wedding as a youth of extremely tender years studying at the university. If we assume that he married soon after reaching the legal age of 14, the date of the wedding can be put tentatively at 1631 or just after.

⁵³ A&R 134, 139, where both are entered incorrectly under Brereley, John, pseud. See p. 36 of the present article. E.R.L. 6.

⁵⁴ A second edition, printed at the same press as the first, appeared in 1634 with the title Mirrour of new reformation (A&R 135).

⁵⁵ See the notes to his biography of Robert Nutter (vol. 5 [1902], p. 204) where he also repeats many of the other erroneous claims that we are dealing with in the present article.

⁵⁶ Now in the collection of D. M. Rogers (formerly Gillow’s copy).

⁵⁷ A. J. Hawkes (‘Sir Roger Bradshaigh of Haigh… 1628-1684’, in Chetham Soc., Remains, new ser. 109 [1945]) made the suggestion that the inscription referred to Sir Roger’s father, James Bradshaigh of Haigh (d. 1631) whose mother was an Anderton of Lostock. This was based on three considerations: (1) Thomas Wotton, a descendant of the Bradshaigh family, says in his English Baronets (1727), that James had been ‘a great scholar, a fine poet, a traveller in most parts of Europe’; (2) no other poems by James have ever been discovered; (3) in Hawkes’s opinion Virginalia was printed at Birchley Hall in Lancashire where James’s mother would have had influence. Even if there were no evidence to the contrary these arguments would be inconclusive. In fact, the identification is disproved by the internal evidence of poems in the folio MS. and in Epigrammes that the author was a priest. In any case, it is now established that Virginalia was not printed in Lancashire but at Rouen. It is doubtful, moreover, whether Hawkes was right in reading the MS, inscription on the title page as la. rather than Io. An earlier attempt at identifying the inscription was made by Gillow himself some years before he convinced himself that the l.B. stood for John Brereley. In 1885 (Bibliographical Dictionary, vol. 1), he maintained that the author was the Carmelite, Edward Bradshaigh, in religion Elias a Jesu. If it were not that the initials are not quite right this ascription would fit at least some of the known facts about the author. The following particulars, based on the Carmelite records, are taken from Benedict Zimmerman, Carmel in England, 1889, pp. 95-107. Edward Bradshaigh, born in Ireland of English parents and brought up in or near Manchester where his father lived, was educated by the English Benedictines at Douai, joined the discalced Carmelites at Brussels in 1618 and came to England as a missionary priest in 1625. He was almost immediately captured and imprisoned but was released in July 1626 at the request of the French ambassador and banished the realm by royal decree, on which he withdrew to France and spent several years teaching at the Paris house of his order. He returned to England in 1632, was later made Vicar Provincial, and died in 1652. According to the Carmelite records he was a prolific writer, but none of his works is known to have survived. This Edward Bradshaigh is often confused with Edward Bradshaigh, brother of James Bradshaigh of Haigh (see Hawkes’s pedigree), but James’s brother who was born at the family seat near Wigan in 1606, clearly does not answer to the particulars given above. This seems to be as far as it is possible to take the enquiry without further research in Carmelite records. Elias a Jesu is named as Edward Bradshaigh in the earliest comprehensive bibliography of the order to appear in print (Martialis a S. Joanne Baptista, Bibliotheca scriptorum Carmelitarum excalceatorum, 1730) but it is just possible that a mistake had crept into the records at some stage and that his baptismal name was really John or James.

⁵⁸ See the anonymous editor’s epistle ‘To the… Parliament’ in the 1604 edition and the author’s own comments in his ‘Preface to the Christian Reader’ in the 1608 edition.

⁵⁹ See note 1.

⁶⁰ S.T.C.² 18173.5-18175.5.

⁶¹ See the author’s ‘Preface to the Christian Reader’.

⁶² See note 3.

⁶³ S.T.C. 18176-7. For King James’s interest in the controversy see the dedicatory epistle to Brereley’s The lyturgie of the Masse (A&R 137).

⁶⁴ A&R 24.

⁶⁵ A&R 23.

⁶⁶ See note 63.

⁶⁷ See note 62.

⁶⁸ For example, he mentions that these ‘former labours’ were answered, at King James’s behest, by ‘D. Morton in his Appeal’. Thomas Morton’s A Catholike appeale for Protestants, 1609-10, was an answer to the second edition of the Apologie (see p. 18 of the present article).

⁶⁹ S.T.C. 15324. The date in the imprint is 1612. Entered in Stationers’ Register 6 July 1612. The date of its publication is misprinted 1622 in the reference in Luthers life.

⁷⁰ S.T.C. 18356.

⁷¹ S.T.C. 12649. The date in the imprint is 1610. The entry in the Stationers’ Register is dated 16 January 1610 [i.e. 1611 n.s.]. The book was printed, therefore, between 16 January 1611 [n.s.] and the end of 1610 [O.S.], i.e. 25 March 1611 [n.s.].

⁷² See A&R pp. 184-5, ‘Secret Presses operating in England’.

⁷³ See note 71.

⁷⁴ S.T.C. 11701-4. Four editions in same year, 1624. Fourth ed., Sig. S2v.

⁷⁵ For the descent of the property see V.C.H. Lanes, 4, p. 85n. Roger was born 1569-70 at Lostock. He matriculated at Brasenose College, Oxford, 12 February 1585, aged 15, and was admitted to Grays Inn 10 March 1593 (Foster, 1, p. 23; Grays Inn, Register of Admissions, p. 82). He entered the English College at Douai sometime in the 1590s (his arrival is not recorded in the very imperfect diary of the College for this period), to prepare for the priesthood, but left for sound reasons made known to his superiors on 19 April 1600 (C.R.S. 10, p. 19). He married, in 1615, Anne, daughter of Edward Stanford of Perry Hall, Staffordshire, and had by this time settled at Birchley Hall (Hawkes, art. cit., note 2, p. 160). He had eleven children (Cal. S.P.D. 1637, pp. 94, 124, 135) all of whom were brought up as Catholics. Five of his sons became priests (Anstruther, 2, pp. 5-6; Foley, 7, pp. 9-10) and four of his daughters nuns (C.R.S. 14, pp. 66, 76-78). For the marriage of his eldest son, James, see note 52. From 1630 onwards he is recorded as entering into composition for his recusancy to the sum of £21 125. 3d., his annual income being £300 (C.R.S. 53, pp. 348, 425). He died in 1640 (V.C.H. Lanes, 4, p. 85n).

⁷⁶ A list of Catholic books with the publication or distribution of which Roger appears to have had some close connection was discovered by T. E. Gibson among the Blundell of Crosby MSS. in 1878 and printed in J. P. Earwaker’S Local Gleanings relating to Lancashire and Cheshire, 2, pp. 286-7. The original MS., according to Gibson, is in the hand of Roger Anderton’s nephew, William Blundell of Crosby (1620-98) who has added a note of his own saying this is a list of ‘the works of my uncle Rog: An: which was sent me by his son C. Anderton, A.D. 1647’. In 1647, Roger Anderton’s son Christopher was a Jesuit priest living abroad (Foley 7, pp. 9-10). The original MS. list that he sent to William Blundell does not appear to have survived. According to Blundelľs transcript Christopher had headed it simply: ‘A Catalogue of those books you desired to have a copy of. The original copy own [underlined) hand’, which seems to imply that the list had been drawn up by Roger himself and Christopher merely supplied the heading. Blundell’s note that this is a list of ‘the works of my uncle…’ is, as it stands, extremely misleading, for the books are, in fact, by a number of different known authors and translators. Gillow (vol. 1, p. 40), followed by Hawkes (art. cit., note 2) thought that what Blundell really meant was that these were books that Roger had printed at his own secret press in Lancashire. But this theory does not stand up to investigation. As Newdigate has shown (art. cit., note 19) typographical evidence proves conclusively that these books (of which the list gives only the titles) issued from a number of different known presses, notably that of the English Jesuits at S. Omer. All that can be said for certain is that Roger was involved, in some way, in getting these books into print. He may well have subsidised them himself and acted as agent for their distribution (or agreed so to act, since one or two of them were not, in fact, printed until a year or two after his death). At the end of the list Blundell has added at a much later date a note of his own about an unpublished work by Roger Anderton for which he cites the first-hand evidence of Roger’s cousin, the Jesuit Henry Heaton: ‘Mr Henry Heaton tells me this present 20 June 1668, that the said Mr Roger Anderton sent to him at St Omers all Bellarmin’s Controversies translated by him the said Roger; it was 2 large tomes, but never printed’. The Blundell of Crosby MSS. are now in the Lancashire Record Office, Preston.

⁷⁷ The first to make this claim appears to have been Gillow in his article on Roger Anderton (vol. 1, pp. 39-41).

⁷⁸ I.e. the ‘Controversies’ referred to in Blundel’s note, see note 74.

⁷⁹ See note 73. 4th ed. Sig. R4v.

⁸⁰ Anstruther, 2, p. 305.

⁸¹ Apologia Protestantium pro Romana ecclesia… Per Ioannem Brerleium sacerdotem anglum vulgari idiomate composita, & per Guilielmum Raynerum Latine versa, Lutetiae Parisorum, e Typographia Ioannis Ducarroy, 1615. Reissued in 1617. The translator, William Rayner, was a cousin of Richard Smith, later Bishop of Chalcedon, who founded the College in 1611 (R.H. (January 1964), p. 167). Though Rayner is not named among the first members of the College on its foundation; he was there before 24 November 1614 when, with three other priests, William Bishop, Richard Smith himself, and Anthony Champney, he entered into an agreement with the printer, Jean Ducarroy, and his wife, pledging payment on behalf of the College for the printing of this book (Paris, Archives Nationales, Minutier Central XI 96.) In 1619-20, he collaborated in the publication by the College of the collected Latin edition of the works of Thomas Stapleton. For his earlier career, see Anstruther, 1, p. 286. In his translation of the Apologie Rayner gives no hint as to the true identity of the author.

⁸² E.g. Pollen, J. H., Unpublished Documents relating to the English Martyrs (C.R.S. 5), (1908), p. 385 Google Scholar; Rollins, H. E., Old English Ballads (1920), pp. xxvii–xxx Google Scholar.

⁸³ E.g. Julian, J., A Dictionary of Hymnology, revised ed. (1925), pp. 580–3Google Scholar.