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Reviled, Repressed, Resurrected: Vienna 1900 in the Nazi Imaginary

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 May 2022

Laura Morowitz*
Department of Visual Arts, Wagner College, New York, New York, USA


Encompassing the final decades of Habsburg rule and the rise of modern culture, the cosmopolitan and Jewish Vienna of the fin de siècle was a despised locus in the Nazi historical imaginary. Vienna 1900 was a polyglot, multicultural city, a place where European Jewry had risen to unforeseen heights of economic prosperity and cultural influence; many Nazi ideologues, historians, and authors focused on the verjudet nature of late imperial Vienna. A variety of strategies were employed to distance the Nazi present from Vienna 1900; it was alternately suppressed and ignored, or deeply vilified. Yet the period was also inseparable from two figures celebrated in Nazi Vienna: Mayor Karl Lueger and artist Gustav Klimt. This article examines Nazi discourse on Vienna 1900, especially that originating from Viennese writers, ideologues, and political figures. Reflecting both scholarly and popular views, I examine academic texts, books for popular readers, films, and art exhibitions. After examining the perception and appropriation of Vienna 1900 between the years 1938 and 1945, I end by exploring its instrumentalization in a different context. In an ironic twist of history, the very period suppressed and derided in Nazi discourse would in turn be called upon, by the 1970s, to distract from the shadow of the Nazi era that still hung over the city.

Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota

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1 Richard Suchenwirth, Das Buch von der deutschen Ostmark (Leipzig, 1938), 145–46. In May 1926, Suchenwirth led the “Hitlerbewegung” split among the Austrian National Socialists and continued to be active within the party through the war. He served as SA Standartenführer (director of standards) for the Austrian Legion. Ludwig Jedlicka, “Die Anfänge des Rechtsradikalismus in Österreich (1919–1925)” in Vom alten zu neuen Österreich (St. Pölten, 1977), 199–214.

2 See Dirk Rupnow, “‘Ihr müsst sein, auch wenn ihr nicht mehr seid’: The Jewish Central Museum in Prague and Historical Memory in the Third Reich,” in Jewish Dimensions in Modern Visual Culture: Antisemitism, Assimilation, Affirmation, ed. Rose-Carol Washton Long, Matthew Baigell, and Milly Heyd (Waltham, 2010), 116–41.

3 The term, of course, is Pierre Nora's. Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past (Chicago, 1998).

4 Heidemarie Uhl, “Wien um 1900: das making of eines Gedächtnisortes,” in Imaging Vienna, ed. Monika Sommer, Marcus Graser, and Ursula Prutsch (Vienna, 2006), 47–70.

5 The literature on Austria in relation to its Nazi past is huge and ever-growing. See, for example, Christian Karner, “Multiple Dimensions and Discursive Contests in Austria's Mythscape,” The Use and Abuse of History: Interpreting WWII in Contemporary European Politics, ed. Christian Karner and Bram Mertens (Piscataway, 2013), 193–210; Meinrad Ziegler, Waltraud Kannonier, and Marelene Weiterschal, eds., Österreichisches Gedächtnis: über Erinnern und Vergessen der NS-Vergangenheit (Vienna, 1993); Lisa Silverman, “Absent Jews and Invisible Anti-Semitism in Postwar Vienna: Der Prozeß (1948) and The Third Man (1949),” Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 2 (Apr. 2017): 211–28.

6 The best account to date in English of the events of the Anschluss is Thomas Weyr, The Setting of the Pearl: Vienna Under Hitler (Oxford, 1995). The most detailed account of the impact on daily life and social identity is Hermann Hagspiel, Die Ostmark: Österreich im Grossdeutschen Reich 1938 bis 1945 (Vienna, 1995). On the cultural construction of the Ostmark, see Laura Morowitz, “Hitler as Liberator, Ostmark as Bulwark, and other Myths of the Anschluss,” in Contemporary Austrian Studies, vol. 29, Myths in Austrian History: Construction and Deconstruction, ed. Günter Bischof, Marc Landry, and Christian Karner (New Orleans, 2020).

7 Friedrich Lange, Unsere alte Ostmark Österreich (Berlin, 1941). Not to be confused with the early antisemite and Pan-German journalist Friedrich Lange (1852–1917), this Lange was referred to as a Pan-German propagandist for the German Reich. Raymond E. Murphy et al., National Socialism: Basic Principals. Their Application by the Nazi Party's Foreign Organization and the Use of Germans Abroad for Nazi Aims (Washington, DC, 1943), 70.

8 Heiss, Gernot, “Pan Germans, Better Germans, Austrians: Austrian Historians on National Identity from the First to the Second Republic,” German Studies Review 16, no. 3 (Oct. 1993): 411–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Adam Kożuchowski, The Afterlife of Austria Hungary: The Image of the Habsburg Monarchy in Interwar Europe (Pittsburgh, 2013), 94. This is not to imply that Austrian historians were not often critical of the Habsburg monarchy—they were, but for entirely different reasons than Nazi historians. For a good overview of twentieth-century Austrian historiography on the end of the Habsburg period see James Shedel, “Fin de siècle or Jahrhundertwende: The Question of an Austrian Sonderweg,” in Rethinking Vienna 1900, ed. Steven Beller (New York, 2001). For contemporary views on the Habsburg legacy in relation to Austrian identity see Karner, Christian, “The ‘Habsburg Dilemma’ Today: Competing Discourses of National Identity in Contemporary Austria,” National Identities 7, no. 4 (Dec. 2005): 409–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Othmar Krainz, Aufruf gegen Habsburg. Revolution in drei Jahrhunderten (Leipzig, 1938); Karl Itzinger, Nie wieder Habsburg! Habsburger in der Geschichte der Deutschen (Munich, 1936); Alfred Rapp, Die Habsburger: die Tragödie eines halben Jahrtausends deutscher Geschichte (Stuttgart, 1936).

11 Gottfried Zarnow, Gekrönt—entehrt! Europas Schicksal, Habsburgs Schuld. Das Problem des XX Jahrhunderts (Bern, 1937).

12 Gottfried Zarnow, Verbündet-Verraten! Habsburgs Weg von Berlin nach Paris (Zürich, 1936).

13 James A. van Dyke, Franz Radziwill and the Contradictions of Art History 1919–1945 (Ann Arbor, 2010), 83. Van Dyke notes that Zarnow may also have been suspect for his hesitancy to condemn Jewish Germans.

14 Zarnow, Gekrönt—entehrt!, vii.

15 Itzinger, Nie wieder Habsburg!, 4–5.

16 Itzinger's fiction was placed on a list of forbidden works by the occupying Soviets after the war. Only in 2012 was his Nazi past publicly revealed. Hannes Koch, “Karl Itzinger—Heimatdichter und Nationalsozialist,” and Christian Schacherreiter, “Nationalsozialistische Ideologie in Karl Itzingers Bauernkriegstrilogie,” in Der Bundschuh: Heimatkundliches aus dem Inn- und Hausruckviertel (Ried im Innkreis, 2012), 97–105, 106–9.

17 Rapp's other books focused on arguing for the Germanic roots of the Alsace as part of the Nazi annexation of the region into Gau Baden-Elsass (Gau Oberrhern) in 1940.

18 Kożuchowski, 80.

19 Passages from Mein Kampf quoted and translated in Brigitte Hamann, Hitler's Vienna: A Dictator's Apprenticeship (Oxford, 1999), 107, 251.

20 Goebbels’s diary entry of 17 Oct. 1939, as quoted in Gernot Heiss “‘Wien 1910’– Ein NS-Film zu Lueger und Schönerer,” in Politische Gewalt und Machtausübung im 20 Jahrhundert: Zeitgeschichte, Zeitgeschehen und Kontroversen, ed. Heinrich Berger et al. (Vienna, 2011), 160.

21 James Longo, Hitler and the Habsburgs: The Fuhrer's Vendetta Against the Austrian Royals (New York, 2018).

22 The earlier centuries of Habsburg rule saw a great deal of officially mandated antisemitism, persecution, and deportation. See for example Dean Phillip Bell, Sacred Communities: Jewish and Christian Identities in Fifteenth-Century Germany (Leiden, 2001); Bruce Pauley, “The Historical Roots,” in From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill, 1992), 13–26. I thank Megan Brandow-Faller for bringing this issue to my attention.

23 Robert Körber, Rassesieg in Wien, der Grenzfeste des Reiches (Vienna, 1939), 28. Körber had been an “illegal” Nazi, publishing antisemitic books prior to the Anschluss. See Robert Körber and Theodor Pugel, Antisemitismus der Welt in Wort und Bild (Dresden, 1937).

24 Robert von Dassanowsky, “Snow Blinded: The Alps contra Vienna in Entertainment Film at the Anschluss,” Austrian Studies 18 (Jan. 2010): 122.

25 Hüttner, Johann, “Austria and the Austrians as seen through the Films of Nazi Germany after the Anschluss,” Modern Austrian Literature 32, no. 4 (1999): 204–12Google Scholar.

26 The term refers to films made in the Nazi era that were not transparently propagandistic but nevertheless conveyed Nationalist Socialists ideas and worldviews. On the concept see Susan Tegel, Nazis and the Cinema (London, 2007).

27 The term comes from Kõrber, Rassesieg, 9.

28 Elana Shapira, Style and Seduction: Jewish Patrons, Architecture and Design in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (Waltham, 2016); Steven Beller, Vienna and the Jews 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge, 1991). See also the bibliography in note 32.

29 For discussions around this issue see the essays in Rethinking Vienna 1900. See also the writings of Allan Janik, i.e., Allan Janik and Stephen Edelson Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (Chicago, 1996).

30 There is an enormous literature on the concept of cultural or public memory. To begin, see the works of Aleida Assmann, Cultural Memory and Western Civilization: Functions, Media, Archives (Cambridge, 2012). For a good overview of the field of memory studies see introduction in Jan Werner Müller, ed., Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of the Past (Cambridge, 2004), esp. 13ff.

31 Johannes Feichtinger and Gary B. Cohen, eds., Understanding Multiculturalism: The Habsburg Central European Experience (New York, 2014), 125; Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution, 81, reports the same figures.

32 On Jews in fin-de-siècle Vienna see Marsha L. Rozenblit, The Jews of Vienna: 1867–1914 (Albany, 1983); Michael John Wistrich, “Migration in Austria: An Overview of the 1920s to the 2000s,” in Understanding Multiculturalism, 122–57; Pauley, “Austria's Jews on the Eve of the Great War,” ch. 4 in From Prejudice to Persecution.

33 Lisa Silverman, Becoming Austrians: Jews and Culture Between the World Wars (London, 2015).

34 Wolfgang Maderthanser and Lutz Musner, eds., Unruly Masses: The Other Side of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (New York, 2008).

35 The classic essays on Lueger are Carl Schorske, “Politics in a New Key: An Austrian Trio,” in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980); and Richard Geehr, Karl Lueger: Mayor of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (Detroit, 1991).

36 Robert S. Wistrich, “Adolf Hitler: The Making of an Anti-Semite,” in Laboratory for World Destruction: Germans and Jews in Central Europe (Lincoln, 2007), 352–81.

37 There are surprisingly few recognized sources on Hitler's early years in Vienna. By far the best is Hamann's Hitler in Vienna. The period is also covered briefly by Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris (New York, 1998). A less cited source is J. Sydney Jones, Hitler in Vienna: 1907–1913: Clues to the Future (New York, 2002).

38 Hamann, “Political Role Models,” in Hitler in Vienna, 236–303.

39 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans. James Murphy,, 52, accessed 12 Nov. 2021.

40 Körber, Rassesieg in Wien, 9.

41 Ibid., 16.

42 Geehr, Karl Lueger, 316–20. Heiss “‘Wien 1910’– Ein NS-Film.” The film was originally titled “Der Bürgermeister von Wien: Ein Film aus dem Wien der Rothschildzeit.” During production it was also referred to as “Schönerer-Lueger.”

43 Heiss, “‘Wien 1910’– Ein NS-Film,” 156.

44 Goebbels’s diary entry of 8 Aug. 1941, as quoted in Heiss, 157.

45 Goebbels, quoted and translated in Geehr, Karl Lueger, 31.

46 Worry over Viennese separatism continued to plague politicians of the Altreich, especially Goebbels. See Weyr, The Setting of the Pearl.

47 Goebbels’s diary entry of 14 June 1942, as quoted in Heiss, “‘Wien 1910’– Ein NS-Film,” 160.

48 For example, in literature see Abigail E. Gillman, Viennese Jewish Modernism: Freud, Hofmannsthal, Beer-Hofmann, and Schnitzler (University Park, 2009); and in music, Leon Botstein and Werner Hanak, eds., Quasi una fantasia: Juden in die Musikstadt Wien (Vienna, 2003). For a good overview of the debates see Hillary Hope Herzog's introduction in Vienna is Different: Jewish Writers in Vienna from the Fin de Siècle to the Present (New York, 2011).

49 Lisa Silverman provides an overview of the recent and varied scholarly attempts to focus on Jewish agency in Central European culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. See Silverman, Becoming Austrians and “Revealing Jews: Culture and Visibility in Modern Central Europe,” Shofar 36, no. 1 (2018): 134–60. For another overview of the topic see Steven Beller's introduction in Rethinking Vienna 1900.

50 Other scholars studying Jewish identity in Vienna include Ivar Oxaal, Marsha Rozenblit, and Gerhard Botz.

51 Steven Beller, Vienna and the Jews; Beller, “‘The Jew Belongs in the Coffeehouse’: Jews, Central Europe and Modernity,” in The Viennese Café and Fin-de-Siècle Culture, ed. Charlotte Ashby, Tag Gronberg, and Simon Shaw-Miller (New York, 2013); Elana Shapira, Style and Seduction; Shapira, “Imaging the Jew: A Clash of Civilizations,” in Facing the Modern: The Portrait in Vienna 1900, ed. Gemma Blackshaw (London, 2013), 155–71.

52 This is the case in music, for example, with modernist figures such as Gustav Mahler, Arnold Schoenberg, and Anton Berg. Beller attributes this connection to what he terms “Jewish consciousness.” On visual artists see Shapira, Style and Seduction; and Megan Brandow-Faller and Laura Morowitz, eds., Erasures and Eradications in Modern Viennese Art, Architecture and Design (Abingdon, forthcoming 2022).

53 Spector, Scott, “Modernism without Jews: A Counter-Historical Argument,” Modernism/Modernity 13, no. 4 (2006): 616CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

54 Hugo Bettauer, Die Stadt ohne Juden (Vienna, 1922). The book is available online through Project Gutenberg: On Bettauer's murder see Silverman, “Courts of Injustice: Four Trials, Three Murders, Two Jews,” in Becoming Austrians, 28–65; Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution, 102–6.

55 See his many texts on the subject: for example, Corbett, Tim, “‘Like an Overgrown Garden…?’ Austrian Historical Memory and the Aftermath of Cultural Genocide at a Jewish Cemetery in Vienna,” Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust 32, no. 3 (2018): 172–87Google Scholar.

56 Karl Ginhart, Wien: Das Antlitz der Stadt in Bildern (Vienna, 1941).

57 Ulrike Krippner and Iris Meder, “Anna Plischke and Helene Wolf: Designing gardens in early twentieth-century Austria,” in Women, Modernity and Landscape Architecture, ed. Sonja Dümpelmann and John Beardsley (Abingdon, 2015), 100n1.

58 E. F. Sekler, Josef Hoffmann: The Architectural Work, trans. John Maas (Princeton, 1985). For a thorough discussion see Elana Shapira, “’Our Great Josef Hoffmann’: Undoing the Austrian Profile of a Celebrated Architect,” in Erasures and Eradications.

59 K. Pokorny-Nagel, “Hoffmann (Hofmann), Josef Franz Maria (1870–1956), Architekt und Kunsthandwerker,” Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon ab 1815,, last updated 14 Dec. 2018.

60 Ginhart became a member of the Federal Monuments Office in the 1920s and joined the illegal Nazi party from 1930 to 1932, renewing his membership after the Anschluss. His Nazi past proved no obstacle in his career, for which he was awarded the Österreichische Ehrenkreuz für Wissenschaft und Kunst in 1960. Walther Killy and Rudolf Vierhaus, eds., Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie, vol. 4 (Munich, 1996), 11. On Ginhart's activities during the NS period see Susanne Heim, Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, vol. 2, Deutsches Reich 1938–August 1939 (Munich, 2009), 212–13.

61 The German Ostmark (Vienna, n.d.).

62 On Baumgärtel, see Uwe Baur and Karin Gradwohl-Schlacher, Literatur in Österreich 1938–1945: Handbuch eines literarischen Systems, vol. 3 (Vienna, 2008), 130–35.

63 Baumgärtel, “Karl Emmerich: Zeitgenössische Künstler in Oberdonau,” Kunst dem Volk 4 (1940): 40.

64 Morowitz, Laura, “‘Heil the Hero Klimt’: Nazi Aesthetics in Vienna and the 1943 Gustav Klimt Exhibition,” Oxford Art Journal 39, no. 1 (Mar. 2016): 107–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Ibid., 114–16.

66 Jeroen Van Heerde, “The Habsburg State and Gustav Klimt: Scenes from a Fruitful Relationship,” in Klimt's Women, ed. Tobias G. Natter and Gerbert Frodl (New Haven, 2001), 18–24; “Who paid the Piper: The Art of Patronage in fin-de-siècle Vienna,” 8 Mar. to 26 May 2007, Galerie St. Etienne,, accessed 11 Nov. 2021.

67 Wladimir Aichelburg, “Verzeichnis der Ausstellungen 1868–1910,” 150 Jahre Künstlerhaus Wien 1861–2011, On the exhibit see Morowitz,“‘Heil the Hero.’” Discussion of the exhibit is nearly absent in the Klimt literature. For the only exceptions see Sophie Lillie, “Die Gustav Klimt Ausstellung von 1943,” in Die Wiener Künstlerhaus: Kunst und Institution,” ed. Peter Bogner and Richard Kurdiovsky (Vienna, 2015), 335–41; Lillie, “To Each Age, a Klimt of its Own: Gustav Klimt between Politics and Society” in Klimt: The Collection of the Wien Museum, ed. Ursula Storch (Vienna, 2012), 43. The exhibition, “Ohne Klimt: Gustav Klimt und das Künstlerhaus,” Künstlerhaus, Vienna, 6 July to 23 Sept. 2012, included as part of its installation a group of documents and photographs of the 1943 retrospective housed in the institution's archives. The only other discussion of the exhibit is that of art historian Monica Strauss, who wrote a blog entry chronicling the fate of the Lederer family works that were exhibited in the 1943 show. Strauss, “Klimt's Last Retrospective,” The Jewish Daily Forward, 7 Nov. 2007,

68 Monika Mayer, “Bruno Grimschitz und die Österreichische Galerie 1938–1945: eine biographische Annäherung im Kontext der aktuellen Provenienzforschung” in NS-Kunstraub in Österreich und die Folgen, ed. Gabriele Anderl and Alexandra Caruso (Innsbruck, 2005), 59–79.

69 Gustav Klimt Ausstellung 1943: Ausstellungshaus Friedrichstrasse ehemalige Secession. 7 Februar bis 7 März 1943. (Vienna, 1943).

70 Lillie, “To Each Age,” 44.

71 The Bloch-Bauer works are The Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer 1 (1907), The Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer II (1912), Apple Trees (1912), Birch Trees (1903), and Houses at Unterach am Attersee (1916). For a thorough discussion of the works and their appropriation see Sophie Lillie and Georg Gaugusch, Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer (New York, 2009). For the full history of the expropriation of the works see Anne-Marie O'Connor, The Lady in Gold: The Extraordinary Tale of Gustav Klimt's Masterpiece, Portrait of Adele Bloch-Bauer (New York, 2012).

72 Morowitz, “‘Heil the Hero Klimt.”’

73 Emil Pirchan, Gustav Klimt: Ein Künstler aus Wien (Vienna, 1942). In March of that year Walter Thomas, the cultural “czar” appointed by von Schirach, wrote a letter to Pirchan commending him on his book; the letter remains in the Künstlerhaus archives of the show. Pirchan (1884–1957) was a stage designer who had studied at the Academy of Visual Arts and with architect Otto Wagner, working in a largely Secessionist style. During the Nazi period, Pirchan published many art history works in Vienna, including a monograph on Hans Makart and no fewer than eight articles for Heinrich Hoffmann's luxury art historical magazine, Kunst dem Volk.

74 Susan Krüger Sass, “Nordische Kunst: Die Bedeutung des Begriffes während des Nationalsozialismus,” in Kunstgeschichte im Dritten Reich, ed. Olaf Peterson, Ruth Heftrig, and Barbara Schellewald (Berlin, 2012), 224–44.

75 Here, I reference the tradition of the ancient Romans—but practiced in many civilizations—of removing any reference, record, or image of an individual after their death to punish them.

76 For a good recounting of the trials and tribulations of the painting see O'Connor, The Lady in Gold. The first to point out these erasures was the late Austrian journalist Hubertus Czernin, whose pioneering work on expropriated works and their subsequent cover-ups had a profound impact on the passage of the Austrian Art Restitution Act in 1998 and continues to bear fruit today. Czernin, Die Falschung: Die Fall Bloch-Bauer und das Werk Gustav Klimts (Vienna, 2006). In the 1928 exhibition the portrait was number 61 and was listed as “Bildnis der Frau Bloch-Bauer.”

77 Pirchan, Gustav Klimt, 65.

78 Ibid., 53.

79 Ibid., 32.

80 Ibid., 92.

81 On Hitler's artistic interests while living in Vienna, see Hamann, Hitler in Vienna; Frederick Spotts, “The Failed Painter,” in Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics (New York, 2018), 123–37.

82 On Oettinger see Christina Elisabeth Schedlmayer, “Die Ostmark in der populärwissenschaftlichen Kunstgeschichtsschreibung: Bruno Grimschitz, Karl Oettinger” in “Die Zeitschrift ‘Kunst dem Volk’” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 2010), 140–50.

83 Karl Oettinger, Das Wienerische in der bildenden Kunst (Vienna, 1944), 44.

84 Oettinger, Das Wienerische, 44.

85 Heinz Rieder, Geburt der Moderne: Wiener Kunst um 1900 (Vienna, 1964); Steinberg, Michael P., “Jewish Identity and Intellectuality in Fin-de-Siècle Austria: Suggestions for a Historical Discourse,” Special Issue on Austria, New German Critique 43 (1988): 9Google Scholar.

86 Katherine Arens, Belle Necropolis: Ghosts of Imperial Vienna (New York, 2014), 94.

87 Carl Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (New York, 1980).

88 “Traum und Wirklichkeit Wien 1870–1930,” held by the Historischen Museums der Stadt Wien at the Künstlerhaus from 28 Mar. to 6 Nov. 1985; “Vienne 1880–1938: L'Apocalypse Joyeuse,” curated by Jean Clair, Centre Pompidou, Paris, 13 Feb. to 5 May 1986; “Vienna 1900: Art, Architecture and Design,” curated by Kirk Varnedoe, Museum of Modern Art, 3 July to 26 Oct. 1986.

89 Finch, MatthewOfficial History, Private Memories: ‘Vienna 1900’ as Lieu de Mémoire,” Central Europe 2, no. 2 (2004): 111Google Scholar.

90 Beller, Vienna and the Jews; Rozenblit, The Jews of Vienna.

91 Finch, “Official History, Private Memories,” 111: “Today's city of Vienna is the epitome of the lieu de mémoire, an emotionally resonant physical location at once immediately available in concrete sensual experience and susceptible to the most abstract elaboration.” Uhl, “Wien 1900.”

92 Evan Burr Bukey, Hitler's Austria: Popular Sentiment in the Nazi Era 1938–1945 (Chapel Hill, 2000); Peter Utgaard, Remembering and Forgetting Nazism: Education, National Identity, and the Victim Myth in Postwar Austria (New York, 2003); Oliver Rathkolb, “The Anschluss in the Rearview Mirror, 1938–2008: Historical Memories between Debate and Transformation,” in Contemporary Austrian Studies, vol. 17, New Perspectives on Austrians and World War II, ed. Günter Bischof, Fritz Plasser, and Barbara Stelzl-Marx (New York, 2009). For a recent exploration of these myths see Contemporary Austrian Studies, vol. 29.

93 Here I intentionally reference Alan Confino's A World without Jews: The Nazi Imagination from Persecution to Genocide (London, 2014).

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