1 The first account of All Saints’ history appears to be by Crossley, Paul, ‘Neo-Medieval Magic: A Look at All Saints’ Church, Jesus Lane’, Trinity Review (Easter term, 1968), pp. 6–8 Google Scholar. The first discussions of the change of style are in Thompson, Paul, William Butterfield (London, 1971), pp. 352–54 Google Scholar, and Muthesius, Stefan, The High Victorian Movement in Architecture 1850-1870 (London, 1972), pp. 138-40Google Scholar. The most authoritative history, however, is by Stephen Humphrey. First published as three articles in the magazine of the Cambridge National Trust Centre between September 1972 and April 1973, it was reprinted as a booklet by the Ecclesiological Society, The Victorian Rebuilding of All Saints’ Church, Cambridge (London, 1983)Google Scholar. It does not address any of the questions raised here. See also Robinson, Duncan and Wildman, Stephen, Morris and Company in Cambridge (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 29–31 Google Scholar. 2 Bodley’s personal and office papers have been destroyed. The principal published accounts of his career are F. M. Simpson’s obituary in Journal of the RIBA, 3rd ser., 15 (1908), 145-58; Paul Waterhouse’s article in the DNB; Warren, Edward, ‘The Life and Work of George Frederick Bodley’, Journal of the RIBA, 3rd ser., 17(1910), 305-36Google Scholar; and David Verey’s chapter on the architect in Seven Victorian Architects, ed. Fawcett, Jane (London, 1976), pp. 84–101 Google Scholar.

3 On the characteristics of High Victorian architecture, see Hitchcock, H.-R., ‘High Victorian Gothic’, Victorian Studies, I (1957-58), 47–71 Google Scholar, and Muthesius, High Victorian Movement (note 1). For the link with the aesthetic of the sublime, and a discussion of the urban origins of the style, see Taylor, Nicholas, ‘The Awful Sublimity of the Victorian City’, in The Victorian City: Images and Realities, ed. Dyos, H. J. and Wolff, Michael, 2 (London, 1973), 431-48Google Scholar.

4 On St Martin, see the parish papers in the Humberside County Record Office, PE168, and the history of the church by Mant, Newton, A Memorial of the First Quarter Century of the History of St Martin’s-on-the-Hill, Scarborough (London and Scarborough, 1888)Google Scholar, although neither contains much about the planning of the church. See also Winpenny, David, St Martin-on-the-Hill: A Guide (Scarborough, repr., 1977)Google Scholar, and the more detailed history by Langley, Hal in The Church of St Martin-on-the-Hill 1863-1988 (Scarborough, 1988)Google Scholar.

5 Scarborough Gazette, 26 July 1860.

6 Ibid., 19 july, 26July 1860.

7 Ibid., 6 September 1860.

8 Ecclesiologist, 22 (1861), 281.

9 Harrison, Martin, Victorian Stained Glass (London, 1980), p. 42 Google Scholar.

10 Thompson, Butterfield (note 1), p. 354.

11 Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Dilemma of Style (London, 1987), p. 149 Google Scholar.

12 For a detailed account of these upheavals, see White, J. F., The Cambridge Movement (Cambridge, 1962)Google Scholar.

13 Ecclesiologist, 20 (1862), 17-19.

14 The following account of the building history is based on the minutes of the building committee (Cambridgeshire Record Office, P20/6/3); correspondence between Bodley and the incumbent, the Revd W. C. Sharpe (CRO P20/6/4); the published lithographs of the two designs (CRO P20/6/5); and the minutes of the tower and spire committee (CRO P20/6/7).

15 Ecclesiologist, 19 (1858), 133.

16 On Corrie, see Holroyd, M., Memorials of the Life of G. E. Conte (Cambridge, 1890)Google Scholar.

17 On Whewell’s architectural interests, see Douglas, Janet, The Life … of William Whewell, 2nd edn (London, 1882)Google Scholar, and Pevsner, Nikolaus, Some Architectural Writers of the Nineteenth Century (London, 1972)Google Scholar, ch. 7, together with the same author’s ‘William Whewell and his Architectural Notes on German Churches’, German Life and Letters, 22 (1968-69), 39-48.

18 Fraser’s Magazine, 41 (1850), 51-58.

19 Mace, J. H. B., Henry Bodley Bromby (London, 1913)Google Scholar.

20 Ecclesiologist, 11, (1850), 227-33.

21 Bodley to Sharpe, 21 February 1861 (CRO P20/6/4).

22 Building Committee Minutes, February (day not specified) 1861 (CRO P20/6/3).

23 Corrie to Sharpe, 27 April 1861 (CRO P20/6/2).

24 Ecclesiologist, 22 (1861), 124.

25 On the design of the spire, see Bodley to Sharpe, 13 November 1861 (CRO P20/6/4).

26 Ecclesiologist, 22 (1861), 124.

27 Building committee minutes, 8 October 1862 (CRO P20/6/3).

28 Ecclesiologist, 24 (1863), 127.

29 Quoted by Humphrey, All Saints’ Church (note 1), p. 14.

30 The only contemporary reference to this work outside the local press appears to be in the Builder, 28 (1870), 891.

31 Ecclesiologist, 24(1863), 128.

32 Symondson, Anthony, ‘G. F. Bodley and St Salvador’s, Dundee’, Bulletin of the Scottish Georgian Society, 1 (1972), 10–23 Google Scholar. To these should be added the 1867 designs for St David’s Cathedral, Hobart, Tasmania, in a style which the Ecclesiologist (28 [1867], 57) described as ‘Geometrical Middle-Pointed — but of so late a type as to be scarcely distinguished from the Perpendicular variety of the succeeding style … We observe in the whole design a marked reaction from the earlier type of foreign Gothic which Mr Bodley formerly affected’.

33 Builder, 28 (1870), 891.

34 Church Builder (1876), p. 133.

35 Ecclesiologist, 24 (1864), 49.

36 Humphrey, All Saints’ Church (note 1), pp. 23-27.

37 Littledale, R. F., On the Application of Color to the Decoration of Churches (London, 1857)Google Scholar.

38 Ecclesiologist, 22 (1861), 70-78 (p. 77).

39 Wardle’s drawings are in a bound volume bequeathed to the Victoria and Albert Museum by May Morris. Some of his covering letters to Morris & Co. are in the National Art Library (Box 1.86. DD); that of 8 July 1865 asks for drawings to be forwarded to Bodley.

40 For example, Building News, 8 (1862), 227-28.

41 As papers in Gloucester Record Office, P190, reveal.

42 ‘On the Use of Colour in the Ornamentation of Churches: A paper read at the annual public meeting of the Architectural Society of the archdeaconry of Northampton, held at Northampton, October 6, 1868’, in Reports and Papers Read at the Meetings of the Architectural Societies, 9 (1867-68), 249-54; and ‘Painted Roofs: A paper read at the annual public meeting of the Architectural Society of the archdeaconry of Northampton, held at Northampton, October 13, 1869’, in Reports and Papers Read at the Meetings of the Architectural Societies, 10 (1869-70), 86-91.

43 Corrie to churchwardens (CRO P20/6/2), and their decision, building committee minutes, 3 July 1861 (CRO P20/6/3).

44 Quoted in Howell, Peter, ‘Oxford Architecture, 1800-1914’, in Aston, T. H. (ed.), The History of the University of Oxford, vol. 7 Google Scholar, The Nineteenth Century, ed. Michael Brock (forthcoming).

45 One of Scott’s initial proposals for the chapel’s tower, presented in June 1864, was for a bold saddleback form clearly influenced by Butterfield and Bodley. However, for reasons which are not made clear by the published accounts of the building’s history, the form eventually adopted was modelled on Pershore Abbey’s tower. See Crook, Alec C., From the Foundation to Gilbert Scott: A History of the Buildings of St John’s College, Cambridge, 1511 to 1885 (Cambridge, 1980), p. 97 Google Scholar.

46 Brownlee, David B., ‘The First High Victorians: British Architectural Theory in the 1840s’, Architectura, 15 (1985), 33–46 Google Scholar.

47 A point that is made strongly by Yates, Nigel, The Oxford Movement and Anglican Ritualism (London, 1983)Google Scholar.

48 See Bentley, James, Ritualism and Politics in Victorian Britain (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar.

49 White, Cambridge Movement (note 12), p. 196.

50 Ibid., p. 222.

51 Brownlee, ‘First High Victorians’ (note 46), pp. 44-45. In 1856 Bodley designed a now-vanished chapel for the first St Margaret’s Convent in East Grinstead, founded by Neale in 1855; see Neale, J. M., Letters (London, 1910), p. 271 Google Scholar. However, the scanty records of the commission do not suggest that Bodley anglicized his current style for Neale; indeed, his mortuary cross of 1858 for the convent, which still survives in the later buildings designed for the sisterhood by G. E. Street, was criticized for ‘Italianising details’ (Ecclesiologist, 19 [1858], 347).

52 All Saints, Falsgrave Road, Scarborough, was (to judge from photographs), a modest, towerless reprise of All Saints, Cambridge. It was demolished in 1975. Even more interesting was St Martin’s school, demolished in 1989; the drawings preserved in the Humberside County Record Office (PE168/28) prove that the free Tudor forms were conceived in 1870, and are not later, as was reasonably surmised by Pevsner, Nikolaus, Yorkshire: The North Riding, The Buildings of England (Harmondsworth, 1966), p. 332 Google Scholar; a close contemporary parallel is provided by Bodley’s still surviving school for St Augustine, Pendlebury, Lancashire.

53 Symondson, ‘St Salvador’s’ (note 32).

54 For an account of the relationship between liturgical and architectural thought in anglophile High Church circles of the end of the century, see Symondson, Anthony, The Life and Work of Sir Ninian Comper 1864-10,60 (exhib. cat., Heinz Gallery, London, 1988), pp. 11–12 Google Scholar.

55 Ecclesiologist, 20 (1859), 31-34.

56 Hughes, Dom Anselm, The Rivers of the Flood (London, 1961), p. 50 Google Scholar.

57 The use of gender-related terms in Victorian architectural criticism is touched on by Hersey, George in High Victorian Architecture: A Study in Associationism (Baltimore and London, 1972)Google Scholar. His approach is limited by a lack of interest in religion or the wider cultural context. Similarly, David Sonstroem’s article ‘John Ruskin and the Nature of Manliness’, The Victorian Newsletter, 4 (1971), 14-17, relates language solely to the psychology of the writer. However, there has recently been a good deal of art-historical interest in the relationship between beliefs about gender and the evolution of fin-de-siècle styles: see, for instance, Silverman, Debora L., Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle France: Politics, Psychology and Style (Berkeley, 1989)Google Scholar, which also discusses the relationship between ideas about historical styles (in her case, rococo) and conservative concepts of national identity. Brett, David, C.R. Mackintosh: The Poetics of Workmanship (London, 1992)Google Scholar brings some of the same ideas to bear on late nineteenth-century architectural traditions.

58 LeGeyt, C. J., ‘On the Symbolism of Ritual’, in The Church and the World: Essays on Questions of the Day in 1867 by Various Writers, ed. Shipley, Orby (London, 1867), 523-67Google Scholar (p. 524).

59 Quoted in Martin, R. B., The Dust of Conflict: A Life of Charles Kingsley (London, 1959), pp. 239–40 Google Scholar.

60 Kingsley, Charles, David: Four Sermons Preached before the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1865), p. 7 Google Scholar.

61 Hughes, Thomas, Tom Brown at Oxford (London, repr. 1880), p. 87 Google Scholar.

62 R. F. Littledale, ‘The Missionary Aspect of Ritualism’, in Church and the World (note 58), 25-50 (p. 33).

63 See two articles by John Reed, Shelton, ‘A “female movement”: The Feminization of Nineteenth-century Anglo-Catholicism’, Anglican and Episcopal History, 57 (1988), 199–238 Google Scholar; and ‘“Giddy young men”: A Counter-cultural Aspect of Victorian Anglo-Catholicism’, Comparative Social Research, 11 (1989), 209-26. See also Hilliard, David, ‘Unenglish and Unmanly: Anglo-Catholicism and Homosexuality’, Victorian Studies, 25 (1982), 181–210 Google ScholarPubMed.

64 There was also some anxiety in the church as a whole that religion was becoming unduly ‘feminized’, for by the end of the century statistics clearly revealed that congregations were predominantly female: see Heeney, Brian, The Women’s Movement in the Church of England, 1850-1930 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar. For the church, the consequences of being one of the few acceptable areas for independent middle-class female endeavour were considerable: see Douglas, Ann, The Feminization of American Culture (New York, 1979)Google Scholar, for a study of this subject in the USA and a warning against identifying ‘feminization’ with feminism.

65 Reed, ‘A “female movement”‘ (note 63), p. 238.

66 Scott, G. G., A Plea for the Faithful Restoration of our Ancient Churches (London, 1850), p. 100 Google Scholar.

67 Burges, William, ‘Art and Religion’, in The Church and the World: Essays on Various Questions of the Day in 1868 by Various Writers, ed. Shipley, Orby (London, 1869), 574-98Google Scholar, p. 582.

68 Hope, A. J. Beresford, The Common Sense of Art (London, 1858), pp. 19–20 Google Scholar.

69 Bodley, G. F., ‘On some Principles and Characteristics of Ancient Architecture, and their Application to the Modern Practice of the Art’, The Builder, 48 (1885), 294–97 Google Scholar (p. 294).

70 Ibid., p. 295.

71 Scott, G. G., Personal and Professional Recollections (London, 1879), p. 228 Google Scholar.

72 Quoted in Lethaby, W. R., Philip Webb and his Work (Oxford, 1935), p. 223 Google Scholar.

73 Quoted in Reed, ‘A “female movement”’ (note 63).

74 Much light has recently been thrown on this topic by the case studies assembled in Dewey, Clive, The Passing of Barchester (London, 1991)Google Scholar.

75 On this larger cultural transition, see Girouard, Mark, Sweetness and Light: The Queen Anne Movement, 1860-1900, 2nd edn (London and New Haven, 1984)Google Scholar, especially his comment about religion at p. 7.

76 Cherry, Deborah, ‘The Hogarth Club: 1858-61’, Burlington Magazine, 122 (1980), 238-42Google Scholar.

77 It is possible there was in part a straightforwardly patriotic reason for this. David Brownlee has suggested that the return to English models was ‘perhaps a reaction against a perceived military threat from Second Empire France’: The Law Courts: The Architecture of George Edmund Street (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1984), p. 144. The war scare of 1859 followed Napoleon Ill’s treaty with Cavour and ensuing Franco-Austrian war. There was certainly public antipathy to France in the early 1860s, which may have had some influence on architects, although popular xenophobia is unlikely to have understood the sources of rapidly shifting avant-garde styles. Bodley’s circle was affected by this sentiment, for Morris and some of his friends joined the volunteer movement in 1859-61: Mackail, J. W., The Life of William Morris (London, 1899), 1, 146 Google Scholar.

78 See Girouard, Sweetness and Light (note 75), pp. 14-16. The fullest account of Taylor’s life is a manuscript note (dated 21 November 1915) by S. C. Cockerell. Bound in with the correspondence between Taylor and Philip Webb in the National Art Library, London, it has been published as ‘Notes on Warington Taylor and Philip Webb’ in the J’ournal of the William Morris Society, 1 (Winter, 1962), 6-10. The spelling ‘Warington’ is correct.

79 Taylor to Robson, n.d. (Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: Burne-Jones papers, xxiii, 23A).

80 Ibid., 19.

81 Building News, 12 (1865), 17-18 (p. 17).

82 Ibid., p. 18.

83 Ibid.

84 Building News, 12 (1865), 48-49.

85 Ibid., p. 71.

86 Quoted by the Revd Venables, Precentor, Archaeological Journal, 44 (1887), 194–202 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 196).

87 Gentleman’s Magazine, 10 (1861), 551.

88 Warren, Edward, ‘Thomas Garner’, Architectural Review, 19 (1906), 275-76Google Scholar (p. 275).

89 Paul Waterhouse, entry on Bodley in the DNB.

90 Warren, ‘Thomas Garner’ (note 88), p. 276.

91 Harrison, Victorian Stained Glass (note 9), p. 43.

92 Quoted in Stamp, Gavin, ‘George Gilbert Scott, Junior, Architect, 1839-1897’ (doctoral thesis, University of Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar.

93 See Stamp, Gavin and Goulancourt, André, The English House 1860-1914 (London, 1986)Google Scholar and Girouard, Sweetness and Light (note 75), pp. 33-35.

94 The importance of Melton Grange in the development of Bodley’s influential domestic architecture of the 1860S appears to have been overlooked, although the contract and some drawings are preserved in Hull Public Library (L.728.8[593]). Its transitional nature makes it in some ways the domestic equivalent of All Saints, Jesus Lane: although there is virtually no evidence of Gothic influence in the building, the designs for the library furniture are medieval in spirit, with as yet no trace of the ‘Queen Anne’ manner.

95 Bodley, ‘Principles and Characteristics’ (note 69), p. 296.

96 All Saints [Cambridge] Parish Magazine, October 1878.

97 The Builder, 44, (1883), 602.

98 Taylor to Robson, n.d. (Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge: Burne-Jones papers, xxiii, 9).

99 Quoted in Crook, J. Mordaunt, William Burges and the High Victorian Dream (London, 1981), p. 170 Google Scholar.

100 For the parallel, but slightly later, cases of Pearson and Street’s return to English models, see Quiney, Anthony, John Loughborough Pearson (New Haven and London, 1979), pp. 75–78 Google Scholar and 97-101; David B. Brownlee, Law Courts (note 77), pp. 141-44; and Joyce, Paul and Hutchinson, John, ‘The Architecture of George Edmund Street, RA’, in George Edmund Street in East Yorkshire, ed. Hutchinson, John (exhib. cat., University of Hull, 1981), 5–14 Google Scholar (p. 11).

101 The Guardian, 25 February 1863, quoted in Thompson, Butterfield (note 1), p. 97.

102 According to Bumpus, T. F., London Churches Ancient and Modern, 2 (London, 1908), 271-72Google Scholar.