¹ The work was carried out under the auspices of the British School at Athens, and we are grateful to the then Chairman, Professor J. N. Coldstream, and to the Managing Committee of the School for their continued support and encouragement. We are also indebted to the Director, Dr E. B. French, and to the School's staff in Athens for their practical assistance. Permission to excavate was granted by the Greek Ministry of Culture, for which we arc grateful to Dr Zervoudaki. Dr Davaras and Dr Tsipopoulou very much facilitated the work as representatives of the Greek state. Financial support was provided by the Institute for Aegean Prehistory, the British School at Athens, and the British Academy.

The excavations were directed by L. H. Sackett and J. A. MacGillivray. The architect was J. Driessen, assisted by E. Roberts; the surveyor D. Smyth, S. Dandali was the administrative assistant. Trench supervisors were S. Thorne, M. Prent, H. Davis, S. Hemingway, A. Hazen-donckx, K. Walsh, H. Hatzakis, and L. Tabac, assisted by B. Howenstein, A. Brysbaert, J. Dupaski, M. Walters, R. Davis, R. Bingham, W. Getty, and P. Tomkins. Video notebooks were kept by S. MacGillivray. The wet sieve was supervised by A. Sarpaki, assisted by D. Mylonas and T. Cunningham. The apotheke was run by A. Aertssen and A. Sackett, assisted by S. Contreras, C. Joslin, K. Silberman, and A. Ziff. The catalogue was kept by A. Sutphin, computerized by B. Howenstein. Pottery processing was supervised by J. A. MacGillivray, assisted by H. Hatzakis, I. Mitchell, U. Guras, and T. Robinson; bone was processed by C. Walker and S. Wall. The conservator was P. Harrison, assisted by A. Barnes. The draughtsman was L. Bernini. Twenty workmen and technicians were supervised by the School's foreman, N. Daskalakis. The four washerwomen were directed by A. Aertssen.

This report was written by J. A. MacGillivray, incorporating a text by J. Driessen. A special report by S. Hemingway (who gratefully acknowledges the assistance of J. Wright, T. Stech, and J. Muhly) is included below.

The plans are the work of J. Driessen and D. Smyth, the photography by L. H. Sackett and S. MacGillivray, and the drawings of pottery and small finds by L. Bernini.

The authors would like to record here their deep debt of gratitude to the previous editor of this annual, Professor R. A. Tomlinson, for dealing with their earlier complicated manuscripts at the eleventh hour.

Special abbreviations:

DPK = Popham, M. R., The Destruction of the Palace at Knossos, SIMA 12; Göteborg, 1970.Google Scholar

PK I–VII = ‘Excavations at Palaikastro I’ to ‘VII’, in BSA 8 (1901–2), 286–316; 9 (1902–3), 274–387; 10 (1903–4), 192–321; 11 (1904–5), 258–308; 12 (1905–6), 1–8; 60 (1965), 248–315; and 65 (1970), 203–242, respectively.

PK 1986–1988, 1990 = ‘Excavations at Palaikastro, 1986’, BSA 82 (1987), 135–54; ‘1987’, BSA 83 (1988), 259–82; ‘1988’, BSA 84 (1989), 417–45; ‘1990’ BSA 86 (1991), 121–47.

PK Settlement = ‘Minoan settlement at Palaikastro’, in Darcque, and Treuil, (eds.), L'Habitat égéen préhistorique (Paris, 1990), 395–412.Google Scholar

PK Survey = ‘An archaeological survey of the Roussolakkos area at Palaikastro’, BSA 79 (1984), 129–59.

PKU = The Unpublished Objects from the Palaikastro Excavations 1902–6 (BSA supplementary paper 1), 1923.

PKU II = ‘Unpublished objects from Palaikastro and Praisos’, BSA 40 (1939–40), 38–59.

TAW iii. 3 = Hardy, D. A. (ed.) Thera and the Aegean World, iii. 3: Chronology (London, 1990).Google Scholar

White-on-dark = Betancourt, P. P., East Cretan White-on-dark Ware (Philadelphia, 1984).Google Scholar

Zakros = Platon, N., Zakros (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

² PK 1990, 137–41.

³ PK 1990, 133–6.

⁴ As in previous reports, the orientations used here are adjusted to ‘building north’ to facilitate the reader (see PK 1990, 123 n. 3).

⁵ PK 1988, 429. pl. 64 c.

⁶ DPK pls. 14 d, 22 c, 29 g, 39 e.

⁷ PK 1986, 142.

⁸ PK 1988, 421.

⁹ PK 1990, 144–6.

¹⁰ PK 1987, 260, fig. 1 (EP 91); fig. 2. 22.

¹¹ PK 1988, 424, pl. 58 d.

¹² PK 1990, 126, fig. 3.

¹³ PK 1990, 127, fig. 6.

¹⁴ French, E., ‘The development of Mycenaean terracotta figurines’, BSA 66 (1971), 116, pl. 16 a, b.Google Scholar Although the top of our example is missing, it would seem best to fit in Group B of the phi type, which seems to have travelled far in the Mycenaean world.

¹⁵ Zakros 96–7; 100.

¹⁶ Tsipopoulou, M., ‘A mason's mark in a building complex at Petras, Siteia’, AAA 19 (1986), 171–7.Google Scholar

¹⁷ PK Survey 149, pl. 13 e.

¹⁸ Hood, S., ‘Mason's marks in the palaces’, in Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N., The Function of the Minoan Palaces (Stockholm, 1987), 203.Google Scholar

¹⁹ PK 1990, 123.

²⁰ Hood (n. 18), 210.

²¹ PK 1990, 133.

²² PK II 279; 288.

²³ PK II 295.

²⁴ Zakros 28–30, 66; Hogarth, D. G., ‘Excavations at Zakro, Crete’, BSA 7 (1900–1901)Google Scholar, house A, room IV (pp. 130–1, pl. 4. 4); house E, room IV (pp. 131, 135, fig. B); house I, room XVI (pp. 138, 140–1, fig. C, pl. 5. 2); Platon, N., ‘Ἀνασϰαφαὶ Ζάϰϱου’, PAE 1962Google Scholar, house A, room L (p. 144; pls. 143 b, 144, 145 a); PAE 1963, house B, room M (p. 168, fig. 2); house D, room L (pp. 164–5, Pl. a). We are grateful to S. Hemingway for these references.

²⁵ For a very similar galloping bull in relief on a rhyton rim, see Demargne, P., Necropoles, i (Et. Crét. 7), 62, pls. 24 and 69. 3Google Scholar; for relief lions running forward from the handle on the rim of a cylindrical rhyton see id., Palais, iv (Et. Crét. 12), 54, pls. 10 and 39.

²⁶ PK IV 288, fig. 15.

²⁷ PM II 454, pl. 11 and fig. 275 l.

²⁸ PM II 469–71, figs. 276 h, 277.

²⁹ Cameron, M. A. S. and Jones, R. E., ‘A note on the identification of fresco material from the British campaigns at Palaikastro, 1902–1906’, BSA 71 (1976), 16 n. 5.Google Scholar

³⁰ PKU 148 fig. 130.

³¹ PK 1990, 135–7, figs. 11–13.

³² We are grateful to G. Kopeke for this suggestion.

³³ PK 1990, 137–41.

³⁴ PKU pl. 2 d.

³⁵ White-on-dark 40. shape 2 C.

³⁶ White-on-dark 43, shape 6 A.

³⁷ Seager, R., Explorations in the Island of Mochlos (New York, 1912), 84, fig. 49. 58.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid. 83, fig. 49. 49.

³⁹ PKU pl. 3 d.

⁴⁰ White-on-dark 26, fig. 3–5, 8.

⁴¹ Wilson, D., ‘The pottery and architecture of the EM II A West Court House at Knossos’, BSA 80 (1985), 314Google Scholar; 317, fig. 19, Pl. 34; 322, figs. 22–4, pl. 37.

⁴² Momigliano, N., ‘The development of the footed goblet (‘Egg-Cup’) from EM II to MM III at Knossos’, Πεπϱαγμένα του ΣΤ' Διεθνούς Κϱητολογιϰού Συνεδϱίου, i. 1 (Chania, 1990), 477–87.Google Scholar

⁴³ White-on-dark 9–17.

⁴⁴ PK Settlement 399.

⁴⁵ PK II 324–5, fig. 24. 2: Forsdyke, , Prehistoric Aegean Potten (London, 1925), 98, fig. 124, A 593.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ PKU pl. 4 a, c.

⁴⁷ As PKU pl. 4 ƒ; PKU II pl. 14 j.

⁴⁸ PKU pl. 9 a.

⁴⁹ Much like PKU pl. 5 c in form.

⁵⁰ Like PKU pl. 5 b.

⁵¹ PKU pl. 11 b, d.

⁵² PK Settlement 399–403.

⁵³ Popham, M. R., ‘Trial KV (1969), a Middle Minoan building at Knossos’, BSA 69 (1974), 189, pl. 32 c.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ PK Settlement 403.

⁵⁵ The ash layer contains pumice fragments and crystalline minerals visible under the microscope. Samples are currently being studied by C. Vitaliano.

⁵⁶ For example the cups in PK 1988, 424, fig. 5, from a closed deposit E of Building 3.

⁵⁷ Soles, J. S. and Davaras, C., ‘Theran ash in Minoan Crete: new excavations on Mochlos’, TAW iii. 3, 89–95Google Scholar; Betancourt, P.et al., ‘Excavations at Pseira: the evidence for the Theran eruption’, TAW iii. 3. 96–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ There are examples of similar jugs from the deposit in Room 2 of Building 2: PK 1986, 150–1.

⁵⁹ e.g. Zakros 111.

⁶⁰ Warren, P. M., ‘Knossos: Stratigraphical Museum excavations, 1978–1980, part I’, AR 1980–1981, 85, fig. 40.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Compare the use of similar motifs on a LM II jug from Knossos in Hutchinson, R. W., ‘A Late Minoan tomb at Knossos’, BSA 51 (1956), 69, fig. 1. 4.Google Scholar

⁶² PKU 77, fig. 61; DPK 107, fig. 13, 68, pls. 16 a, 22 b, 31 a, 34 g, 39 b; Niemeier, W.-D., Die Palaststilkeramik von Knossos (Berlin, 1985), 98, fig. 42. 3.Google Scholar

⁶³ A similar seal, although in rock-crystal, was found near Myrtidia to the w of Palaikastro; see PKU II 46, no. 9.

⁶⁴ As on a contemporary rhyton from Karpathos; see Melas, M., The Islands of Karpathos, Saros and Kasos in the Neolithic and Bronze Age (SIMA 68; Göteborg, 1985), 78, pls. 42, 107 no. 1268.Google Scholar We are grateful to R. Koehl for this reference and for his comments.

⁶⁵ FM motif 69.

⁶⁶ Popham, M. R.et al., The Minoan Unexplored Mansion at Knossos (BSA supp. vol. 17; Oxford, 1984), 220, pl. 207, 5.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Tylecote, R. F., ‘From pot bellows to tuyeres’, Levant, 13 (1981), 117CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 116, fig. 13 a, c. The excavator's association of the Tel Zeror tuyeres with Cypriot pottery and possibly with Cypriot metalworkers may be significant; see Mokhavi, M., ‘Notes and news: Tel Zeror’, IEJ 15 (1965), 254Google Scholar; Ohata, K., Tel Zeror, ii (Japan, 1967), pl. 46.5.Google Scholar For the Hazor tuyeres see Yadin, Y., Hazor, i (Jerusalem, 1958), 106, pls. 98, 30, 31Google Scholar; 170, 1. Yadin dates them MB II/LB and calls them crucibles, although de Jesus recognizes them as tuyeres; see de Jesus, P. S., The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in Anatolia (BAR 74: Oxford, 1980), 48 n. 30.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Tylecote (n. 67), 117, fig. 14. For a discussion of ancient bellows see Davey, J., ‘Some ancient Near Eastern pot bellows’, Levant, 11 (1979), 101–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁹ See Wainwright, G. A., ‘Rhekhmire's metal-workers’, Man, 44 (1944), 94–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where it is persuasively argued that these are representations of melting (p. 94). It is possible, however, that the blowpipes are being used to refine the metal within the crucible, or oxidize the melt, as well as simply to heat the furnace. For a compilation of depictions, pre-1944, of Egyptian metalworkers using these long blowpipes, see Wainwright's p. 95 nn. 5–7. For three more examples see Saleh, M., Three Old-Kingdom Tombs at Thebes (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen, 14; Mainz, 1977), fig. 6, pl. 3Google Scholar; fig. 41, pl. 11; pl. 15, 3. Harpur, Y., in Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content (London, 1987), 29Google Scholar, notes that the tradition of representing metalworkers with blowpipes in tombs is especially strong in the VIth Dynasty. The depiction of smaller blowpipes held in one hand and used for localized heating, such as soldering, occurs in later Egyptian tomb paintings; see Davies (n. 76), 52, pls. 3, 52, and 53.

⁷⁰ Scientific analysis of the metallic residue on the tuyeres should confirm whether they were used for melting or for smelting. Copper and copper alloy slag from melting tends to have a much higher copper content; see Tylecote, R. F., Metallurgy in Archaeology (London, 1982), 36.Google Scholar A small BA Cypriot tuyere with a 1.0 cm diam. hole at the tip has been found in association with a slag-heap from smelting; see Zwicker, U., ‘Bronze Age metallurgy at Ambelikou–Aletri and arsenical copper in a crucible from Episcopi–Phaneromeni’, in Muhly, J. D. et al. , Early Metallurgy in Cyprus 4000–500 BC (Nicosia, 1982), 63, pl. 9. 1.Google Scholar

⁷¹ New Kingdom period (LBA) tuyeres from Timna have been interpreted as being used in this way; see Rothenburg, B., The Egyptian Mining Temple at Timna (London, 1988), 201Google Scholar; 194–5.

⁷² This shape is closest to J 1 in Tylecote's crucible typology: see Tylecote, R. F., A History of Metallurgy (London, 1976), 19Google Scholar, table 12.

⁷³ Analysis of samples from each layer of slag would be interesting. One should be able to determine if they were melting the same material in each layer, and what the chemical composition of that material was.

⁷⁴ Some recent scholarship has been devoted to Bronze Age crucibles. For a discussion of EBA and MBA Aegean crucibles see Branigan, K., Aegean Metalwork of the Early and Middle Bronze Age (Oxford, 1974), 68–71.Google Scholar De Jesus (n. 67), 416, has collected BA Anatolian examples. For BA crucibles in general see Tylecote, R. F., ‘Metallurgical crucibles and crucible slags’, in Olin, J. S. and Franklin, A. D. (eds.), Archaeological Ceramics (Washington, DC, 1982), 231–42.Google Scholar See also id. (n. 72), 16–21.

⁷⁵ Popham et al. (n. 66), 219–20, pls. 199, 206–7. The bridge over the spout of many of these examples, not evident on the Palaikastro examples, may be to separate the slag from the metal when pouring; see also Tylecote (n. 72), 20, fig. 13 L; 18, fig. 11.

⁷⁶ The profile of our no. 1 is very similar to that of the crucible represented in the scene from the tomb-painting of Rhekhmire (c.1430 BC); see Davies, N. de G., The Tomb of Rhekhmire at Thebes Part ii (New York, 1943), pl. 52.Google Scholar The shape is also very similar to earlier Anatolian crucibles from a workshop in the Karum area at Kultepe: see Ozguc, T., ‘Report on a workshop belonging to the late phase of the colony period (1 B)’, Belleten, 19 (1955), 77–80, esp. 78, fig. 27.Google Scholar Unfortunately, the final publication provides little more detailed information; see id., Kultepe–Kanis, ii (Ankara, 1986), 50. See also Schmidt, E. F., Anatolia through the Ages: Discoveries at the Alishar Mound 1927–29) (Chicago, 1931), 81–2.Google Scholar fig. 118, for a smaller example of a similar shape, but with a thick knobbed handle at the side.

⁷⁷ This axe type belongs to Deshayes Type B1b, which first appears in Crete but becomes more frequent in Mycenaean contexts on the Greek mainland; see Deshayes, J., Les Utiles de bronze de l'Indus au Danube (Paris, 1960), 256.Google Scholar It also falls under Bucholtz's Type III; see Bucholtz, H. G., Zur Herkunft der kretischen Doppelaxt (Munich, 1959), 8.Google Scholar LM III axes of similar size and shape have been found at Palaikastro: see PKU 117–18, pl. 25, A. B.

⁷⁸ PKU 119, pl. 25, G. 11. A razor is another possible object type created from this mould.

⁷⁹ Other non-joining fragments of this type were found in the deposit. Copper bar-ingots of comparable size and shape are known from MBA Palestine. Scientific analysis of the Palestinian bar-ingots shows that they were secondary castings, probably prepared to facilitate the transportation and production of objects: see Madin, R. and Wheeler, T. Stech, ‘Metallurgical study of seven bar ingots’, IEJ 26 (1976), 170–3.Google Scholar For two other examples of bar-ingots and a discussion of the ingot type, see Cohen, R. and Dever, W. G., ‘Preliminary report of the second season of the “Central Negev Highlands Project”’ BASOR 236 (1979), 48Google Scholar; 51, fig. 11. Stone ingot moulds have been found at Malia and possibly Palaikastro and Phaistos; see Branigan (n. 74), 201.

⁸⁰ For a discussion of Levantine bronze tripods and stands, see Catling, H. W., Cypriot Bronze-working in the Mycenaean World (Oxford, 1964), 190–223.Google Scholar Comparable clay mould fragments for bronze tripod legs, dating to the 10th cent. BC. have been published from Lefkandi–Xeropolis; see Popham, M. R. and Sackett, L. H., Excavations at Lefkandi, Euboea 1964–66 (Oxford, 1968), 28–9, fig. 67.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Branigan (n. 74), 201–2. catalogs 16 examples of stone moulds from Crete. Two stone moulds have been lound at Palaikastro; see PKU 124, figs. 105–6.

⁸² There is one example, a LM II baked-clay double open mould, from the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos; see Popham et al. (n. 66), 220, pl. 207. 7.

⁸³ It is also possible that the lack of clay moulds is due to gaps in the archaeological record; see Coughlan, H. H., Notes on the Prehistoric Metallurgy of Copper and Bronze in the Old World (Oxford, 1975), 56.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ The simple designs of the objects do not seem to warrant the use of the lost-wax process, although the clay fabric is similar to the clay employed in that technique. The lost-wax process was practised in the Near East as early as the 4th millennium BC: see Levy, T. E. and Shalev, S., ‘Prehistoric metalworking in the southern Levant: archaeometallurgical and social perspectives’, World Archaeology, 20 (1989), 358.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an actual lost-wax mould of the Old Babylonian Period, associated with an assemblage of metal workers' tools very similar to the Palaikastro material, see Davey, C., ‘The metalworkers’ tools from Tell Edh Dhiba ‘i’, London Unicersity Institute of Archaeology Bulletin, 20 (1983), 178, fig. 5.Google Scholar