Acknowledgements. I am grateful to George Forrest for making me turn my attention to the archaeology of Early Attica, and to all those who heard and responded to the earlier version of the paper given to seminars in Oxford and Manchester. Anthony Snodgrass and Ian Morris read and improved the original draft, and I am heavily indebted to Ian Morris in particular for stimulation and for factual and methodological correction. He no more agrees with me than I with him!

¹ On Neolithic and Bronze Age Attica see Theocharis, D.R., ‘Nea Makri. Eine grosse neolithische siedlung in der Nähe von Marathon’, AM 71 (1956) 1–29, esp. 28–9Google Scholar; Syriopoulou, K., Η πϱοϊστοϱια της στεϱεας Ἐλλαδος (Athens, 1968) 58–61, 77–88, 102–5 123–32Google Scholar; Simpson, R. Hope, Dickinson, O.T.P.K., A gazeteer of Aegean civilization in the Bronze Age (Göteborg, 1979) 197–221.Google Scholar On Attica in the Dark Age see Snodgrass, A.M., The Dark Age of Greece (Edinburgh, 1971 43–55. 122–4, 147–51, 231–3, 261–4, 404–6.Google Scholar On Geometric Attica see Coldstream, J.N., Greek Geometric Pottery. A survey of ten local styles and their chronology (London, 1968) 8–90, 399–403Google Scholar (cited hereafter as Coldstream (1968)); Coldstream, J.N., Geometric Greece (London, 1977) 26–35 109–139.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Jeffery, L.H., Archaic Greece, The city states 700–500 B.C. (London, 1976) 85.Google Scholar Jeffery's statement derives directly from Coldstream (1968) 361–2, and is entirely dependent on assuming that the lavish late seventh-century display in the Vari cemetery is typical of the century as a whole. For the general decline in amounts of pottery in graves after 725 see Morris, I.M., Burial and ancient society: the rise of the Greek city-state (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar (cited hereafter as Morris (1987)) 103.

³ There are two recent exceptions to the rule that archaeologists have ignored the seventh century in Attica. Morris, Sarah, The Black and White style. Athens and Aigina in the orientalizing period (Yale, 1984)Google Scholar draws attention to the dearth of early to mid-seventh-century pottery in Attica as part of her argument that a particular style of mid-seventh-century Protoattic pottery was made on Aigina. Ian Morris (1987) has examined in detail the burial evidence for the period 110–500 B.C. and has drawn attention to the contrast between burial practices in the second half of the eighth century and those of the next two centuries. The interpretations placed by these authors on their observations are discussed further below.

⁴ For the archaeological evidence and Homer see still Lorimer, H.L., Homer and the monuments (London, 1950) 103–110Google Scholar and Andronikos, M., Totenkult. Archaeologia Homerica III Cap W (Göttingen, 1968)Google Scholar and the review by Snodgrass, A.M., Gnomon 42 (1970) 163–6.Google ScholarMylonas, G., ‘Burial customs’ in Wace, A.J.B., Stubbings, F.H. ed. A companion to Homer (London, 1963) 478–488Google Scholar marries a reasonable description to unreasonable conclusions. See more generally Sourvinou-Inwood, C., ‘A trauma in flux: Death in the 8th century and after’, in Hägg, R. ed. The Greek renaissance of the eighth century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation (Stockholm, 1983)Google Scholar (cited hereafter as Hägg (1983)) 33–48. The description of burial customs in the following paragraph is drawn from Kurtz, D.C., Boardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (London, 1971) 31–67Google Scholar and from Morris (1987) 18–22.

⁵ Snodgrass, A.M., Archaeology and the rise of the Greek state (Cambridge, 1977)Google Scholar; Snodgrass, A.M., Archaic Greece. The age of experiment (London, 1980) 20–24Google Scholar; Morris (1987) chh. 4–8.

⁶ The following sources are followed in Maps 1 and 2:

Map 1: Aigaleo: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Anavyssos: Coldstream (1968) 399–403; ADelt 29 B1 (1974) 108–110

Argyroupole, : ADelt 22 B1 (1967) 140–141Google Scholar; ADelt 23 B1 (1968) 112

Eleusis: Coldstream (1968) 399–403; Mylonas, G., Το Δυτιϰον Νεϰϱοταφειον της Ἐλευσινασ (Athens, 1975)Google Scholar

Glyphada, Elliot, C.W.J., The coastal demes of Attica (Toronto, 1962) 17Google Scholar

Kaki Thalassa, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Kallithea, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Kouvara, Kalyvia: AE 1902 43Google Scholar

Kitsi Pigadi, Pritchett, W.K., Studies in ancient Greek topography I (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965) 138 n.1Google Scholar

Koropi, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Liossia, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Marathon, Coldstream (1968) 399–403; cf. AAA 7 (1974) 5

Markopoulo: ADelt 26 B1 (1971) 38; ADelt 27 B1 (1972) 151; Simpson, R. Hope, Dickinson, O.T.P.K., A gazeteer of Aegean sites in the Bronze Age (Göteborg, 1979) 210 F 31Google Scholar

Merenda: Coldstream (1968) 399–403; AAA 1 (1968) 31f.; ADelt 25 B1 (1970) 127–9

Mpogiati, BCH 71–2 (1947–8) 434

Nea Kokkinia, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Ntraphi, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Palaia Kokkinia: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Phaleron: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Plasi, : AAA 3 (1970) 14–19, 66, 153–4, 159Google Scholar

Spata, Coldstream, (1968) 399–403

Stavros, , ADelt 32 B1 (1977) 43Google Scholar

Thorikos, Coldstream (1968) 399–403; Mussche, H., Thorikos. A guide to the excavations (Brussels, 1974) 23–9Google Scholar; Mussche, H. et al. Thorikos I 1963 (1968) 47–86Google Scholar; II 1964 (1967) 25–46; III 1965 (1967) 31–56; IV 1966–7 (1969) 70–120; VIII 1972/6 (1984) 72–150

Trakhones, Coldstream (1968) 399–403; Geroulanos, J., AM 88 (1973) 1–54.Google Scholar

Vari: Coldstream (1968) 399–403; BCH 108(1984) 27–36

Map 2: Eleusis: Mylonas, G.E., Το Δυτιϰον Νεϰϱοταφειον της Ἐλευσινας (Athens, 1975)Google Scholar

Kouvara, Kalyvia: BSA 35 (1934–1935) 177Google Scholar

Merenda, : AJA 80 (1976) 26 n.77Google Scholar

Ntraphi, , BCH 81 (1957) 519ff.Google Scholar

Phaleron, , AJA 46 (1942) 23–57Google Scholar

Plasi, , AAA 3 (1970) 14–19, 66, 153–4, 159.Google Scholar

Sounion, ADelt 30 Bi (1975) 38

(Mazareïka), Spata: ADelt 6 (1920–1921) Parat.Google Scholar

133f., BSA 35 (1934–5) Pl. 46b–c and 203.

Thorikos: Mussche, H., Thorikos. A guide to the excavations (Brussels, 1974) 23–9Google Scholar; Mussche, H. et al. Thorikos VII 1970–1971 (1978) 67 n.31Google Scholar

Tavros, : AE 1975 66–149Google Scholar

Trakhones, : AM 88 (1973) 1–54Google Scholar

Vari: Karouzou, S., Ἀγγεια τοῡ Ἀναγυϱουντος (Athens, 1963)Google Scholar; ADelt 18A (1963) 115–132; ADelt 20 B1 (1965) 112–7.

Velanidesa, , ADelt 6 (1890) 16–28Google Scholar

Vourva, , ADelt 6 (1890) 105–114Google Scholar; AM 15 (1890) 318–329.

⁷ The dates are based on pottery chronology, that is upon relative dating by stylistic developments. The absolute dates, and certain particular features of the relative sequence, have been disputed. What matters for this paper is only that the period of Protoattic pottery use extends for at least fifty years and does not substantially overlap with either Late Geometric/Subgeometric or early Black Figure pottery. I have therefore shunned precise chronological discussion, without, I hope, being too cavalier with the data.

⁸ Burials of both periods appear in the same cemetery only at Eleusis (West cemetery), Merenda (vestigial traces for seventh century), Ntraphi (ditto), Phaleron, Piasi, Thorikos (see below), Trakhones, and Vari (the small cemetery).

⁹ Mylonas, G.E., Το δυτιϰον Νεϰϱοταφειον της Ἐλενσινας (Athens, 1975) Vol. 2 p. 268.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Mussche, H., Thorikos. A guide to the excavations (Brussels, 1974) 25, 29.Google Scholar cf. Bingen, J. in Mussche, H. et al. Thorikos VIII 1972/6 (Gent, 1984) 73Google Scholar on the West Cemetery; ‘La ruine du site a dû être très ancienne à en juger par le degré d'usure des tessons géométriques déjà enfouis dans les installation funèbres archaïques et classiques situées en contrebas. Aussi ne pouvons-nous pas imaginer l'aménagement en surface de la nécropole géométrique, si ce n'est que, de 730–710 environ, le site ne comportait que les intallations les plus importantes, les grandes fosses à inhumation, avec quelques rares tombes mineures annexes. Le seul élément de surface qui en soit très partiellement conservé est un grand cratère à pied du géométrique récent I qui ornait probablement un tertre de terre meuble. Ce cratère, dont des fragments ont été trouvés dispersés sur près de 200 m² en aval de la zone géométrique a été étudié ailleurs. Datant du milieu de VIII^e siècle, il fait problème en ce qu'il semble un peu plus ancien que le matériel trouvé dans les tombes. Les développements de la zone au VII^e siècle marquent un appauvrissement très net des aménagements comme des mobiliers; celui-ci ne semble pas dû uniquement à la faveur croissante accordée à la crémation.’

¹¹ The reports of both 1930s and 1960s excavations at Vari are deficient, and do not date all the burials they report. Full publication of the seventh-century pottery from the 1960s excavations is awaited, see BCH 108 (1984) 36.

¹² Young, on the pottery from the Phaleron, cemetery (AJA 46 (1942) 23–57)Google Scholar, and Kübler, on the Kerameikos material (Kerameikos VI.1 Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen (1959) Beilage 45) employ non-standard pottery chronologies, especially for the earliest Protoattic pottery. See Brokaw, C., AM 78 (1963) 63–73.Google Scholar

¹³ The following sources are followed in Maps 3 and 4:

Map 3: Akharnai (menidhi tholos): Coldstream (1968) 399–403 (Cult)

Analatos: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Brauron, : Praktika 1945–1948 86Google Scholar, 1949 79, 1955 118, Ergon 1961 28 (Cult)

Eleusis: Mylonas, G.E., Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (London, 1961) 101–2Google Scholar

Hagia Paraskeue: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Helleniko: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Hymettos: M.K. Langdon, A sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia Supplement 16 (1976) (Cult)

Kato Souli: J.R. McCredie, Fortified Military Camps in Attica. Hesperia Supplement 11 (1966) 38

Kephisia, Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Kotroni, , Hesperia 56 (1987) 202–3Google Scholar

Koukouvaones: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Marathon, : AJA 70 (1966) 321Google Scholar n.8 (Cult)

Oropos, : Antiquité Classique 54 (1985) 30 n.89, 39 n.130Google Scholar

Parnes: AR 1960–61 5

Phyle: AE 1905 99–158, 1906 89–116, 1918 1–28 (Cult); C. Edmonson, oral report (village site)

Tourkovouni: Lauter, H., Der kultplatz auf dem Turkovuni. Athenische Mitteilungen 12 Beiheft (Berlin, 1985) (Cult)Google Scholar

Vari: Lauter, H., Lathuresa. Beiträge zur Architektur und Siedlungsgeschichte in spätgeometrischer Zeit (Mainz, 1985)Google Scholar

Voula: ADelt 29 B1 (1974) 60–63

Vouliagmeni: Coldstream (1968) 399–403

Map 4: Akharnai, (Menidhi tholos) JdI 13 (1898) 13–29Google Scholar, 14 (1899) 114–135 (Cult)

Brauron: Ergon 1961 28 (Cult)

Eleusis: Mylonas, G.E., Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (London, 1961) 63–76 (Cult)Google Scholar

Hymettos: M.K. Langdon, A sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia Supplement 16 (1976) (Cult)

Merenda: M.K. Langdon (op. cit.) 103 (Cult)

Prophitis Elias: M.K. Langdon (op. cit.) 104 (Cult)

Sounion: Boardman, J., BSA 49 (1954) 151 (Cult)Google Scholar

Thorikos: see n.14 below (Cult +)

Tourkovouni: Lauter, H., Der Kultplatz auf dem Turkovuni. Athenische Mitteilungen 12 Beiheft (Berlin, 1985) (Cult)Google Scholar

Vari: Lauter, H., Lathuresa. Beiträge zur Architektur und Siedlungsgeschichte in spätgeometrischer Zeit (Mainz, 1985) (Cult)Google Scholar

Voula: ADelt 32 B1 (1977) 42

¹⁴ For all this see Mussche, H. et al. Thorikos I 1963 (1968) 29–41Google Scholar (Seventh-century cult at Mycenaean tomb I on Velatouri), 47–58 (seventh-century cist tomb and late seventh-century child burials in South cemetery), 59–86 (West cemetery); Thorikos II 1964 (1967) 25–46 (West cemetery: archaic tombs and Geometric residential traces), 47–72 (Industrial quarter, insula I: section of early sixth-century wall), 77–102 (cemetery south of theatr: sixth-century tomb and sixth-century sherds in alluvium); Thorikos III 1965 (1967) 9–19 (Sub-geometric occupation and sixth-century constructions east of summit of Velatouri), 31–56 (Geometric buildings and tombs in West cemetery area; one seventh-century tomb); Thorikos IV 1966–7 (1969) 70–119 (ninth and eighth-century buildings, eighth and seventh-century tombs in West cemetery area), 120–134 late seventh/early sixth century amphora from Insula 3 of Industrial quarter); Thorikos V 1968 (1971) 19–20 (late eighth/early seventh-century buildings east of summit of Velatouri), 103–133 (sanctuary of healing deity in use from later sixth century), 155 (earliest inscribed pot mid/late sixth century); Thorikos VII 1970/1971 (1978) 39–129 (esp. 111–129) (small amount of seventh-century pottery from Tower compound of Insula 3) 173 (late Geometric graffito on amphora from Tomb 126 of West cemetery); Thorikos VIII 1972/6 (1984) 72–150 (esp. 106–7, 139–42, 144) (middle/late Geometric wall; late Geometric tombs and cremation areas; two late seventh-century tombs).

¹⁵ Ober, J., ‘Pottery and miscellaneous artefacts from fortified sites in northern and western Attica’, Hesperia 56 (1987) 197–227CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and n.13 above.

¹⁶ Above n.13 for references. Note also that the cave on the lower summit of Parnes has continuity of dedications through the period, but there is a break around 700 at the Phyle Cave of Pan.

¹⁷ Lauter, , Turkovuni (above n. 13) 138, 69.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Walter, A., AA 55 (1940) 177–8Google Scholar, Eliot, C.W.J., Coastal demes of Attica (Toronto, 1962) 20–21Google Scholar, Lauter, H., Lathuresa. Beiträge zur Architektur und Siedlungsgeschichte in spätgeometrischer Zeit (Mainz, 1985).Google Scholar

¹⁹ For some doubts see Ober, J., Gnomon 59 (1987) 183–5Google Scholar who suggests a longer period of occupation for the structures and a hellenistic date for the circuit wall. This tendency to date all rubble walls, regardless of evidence, to the hellenistic period is to be deplored: Ober is right that the wall is not eighth-century, but nor is it hellenistic, for it was built in 1939 (see Mazarakis-Ainian, A.Antiquité Classique 54 (1985) 46–7 n. 164Google Scholar; AntK 30 (1987) 21 n.77). Little can be settled with regard to the history of this site while scholars are refused access to the finds of Oikonomos' excavations.

²⁰ BCH 108 (1984) 36.

²¹ For the decline in the amount of pottery dedicated on the Athenian akropolis in the seventh century see Graef, B., Langlotz, E., Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen I (Berlin, 1925)Google Scholar, and Morris, S.P., The Black and white style. Athens and Aigina in the orientalizing period (Yale, 1984) 9.Google Scholar

²² Snodgrass, A.M., Archaic Greece. The age of experiment (London, 1980) 52–4.Google ScholarMorris, I.M., ‘From gift to commodity in archaic Greece’ Man 21 (1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar is slightly misleading in this respect.

²³ J.N. Coldstream, ‘The meaning of regional styles in the eighth century B.C.’ in R. Hägg (1983) 20. Cf. Kontoleon, N., ‘Arkhilokhos und Paros’ in Reverdin, O. ed. Archiloque. Fondation Hardt Entretiens X (1964) 37–73 at p.43 n.1.Google Scholar

²⁴ Cf. Dunbabin, T.J., ‘Εχθϱη παλαίη’ BSA 37 (1936–1937) 83–91Google Scholar, esp. 88 ‘The general state of Attic pottery in the first half of the seventh century, and particularly its distribution, suggests that Attica was backward and in decline’. For an interesting case, of the limited influence of Attic pottery in this period see Sheedy, K.A. ‘Three vase-groups from the purification trench on Rheneia and the evidence for a Parian pottery tradition’, BSA 80 (1985) 151–190Google Scholar who argues that the Ad Painter, whom he considers a Parian, learnt his craft in Athens in the workshop of the Würzburg group and was influenced by the Analatos Painter but organised the motifs he had acquired in Athens upon principles derived from the Parian Aa Group and painted them on pots whose shapes derive from the works of that Group and not from Athens (especially pp. 173. 189–90).

²⁵ p. 65.

²⁶ Hurwit, J.M., The art and culture of early Greece, 1100–480 B.C. (Cornell, 1985) 164, 165.Google Scholar For the growth of Protoattic out of Geometric see Brokaw, C., ‘Concurrent styles in late Geometric and early Protoattic vase painting’, AM 78 (1963) 63–73Google Scholar, who concludes ‘The first stage of Attic orientalizing has not been seen as a radical movement, but we are justified in speaking of a new style’.

²⁷ p. 27.

²⁸ Caskey, M.E., ‘Notes on relief pithoi of the Tenian-Boiotian group’, AJA 80 (1976) 19–41 at 30–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ Cf. Robertson, M., A history of Greek Art (Cambridge, 1975) 28.Google Scholar For the debate see especially Carter, J., ‘The beginning of narrative art in the Greek Geometric period’, BSA 67 (1972) 25–58Google Scholar, Snodgrass, A.M., ‘Towards the interpretation of the Geometric figure-scenes’, AM 95 (1980) 51–58Google Scholar, and Boardman, J., ‘Symbol and story in Geometric art’, in Moon, W.G. ed. Ancient Greek art and iconography (Wisconsin, 1983) 15–36.Google Scholar

³⁰ Caskey (op. cit. n.28) 35.

³¹ Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 8696. This vase has been much discussed, see e.g. Kannicht, R., ‘Poetry and Art: Homer and the Monuments afresh’, Classical Antiquity I (1982) 70–76 at 74–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 11 210 1. See Richter, G.M.A., JHS 32 (1912) 370–384CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hurwit, J.M., ‘Image and frame in Greek art’ AJA 81 (1977) 1–30 at 25–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ A still more striking contrast is produced if the LG I Dipylon amphora is juxtaposed to the Polyphemos Painter's name vase from Eleusis (see Osborne, R., ‘Death revisited; death revised’, Art History II (1988) 1ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar) but I have tried here to choose pieces less far apart in time and arguably more representative of the general run of products of late Geometric and Protoattic artists.

³⁴ For Kylon see Herodotus 5.71, our earliest account.

³⁵ For Drako see Gagarin, M., Early Greek Law (California, 1986).Google Scholar

³⁶ The institutional importance of phratries is shown by Drako's homicide law (Lewis, D., Meiggs, R., Greek historical inscriptions (Oxford, 1969) no. 86Google Scholar), of the tribes and naukraries from their rôles in Solon's early sixth century laws. Fact is heavily overlain with fancy in the earliest accounts of the institutions of archaic Attica that we have in Aristotle's Constitution of Athens.

³⁷ Hesperia 56 (1987) 225.

³⁸ Morris (1987) Ch.9.

³⁹ A.M. Snodgrass, ‘Two demographic notes’, in R. Hägg (1983) 167–71 for the admission that the seventh century is a problem. See the works cited in n.5 above for the hypothesis that more burials indicate population increase.

⁴⁰ Camp, J., ‘A drought in the late eighth century’, Hesperia 48 (1979) 397–411.Google Scholar For a reply see A.M. Snodgrass, ‘Two demographic notes’, in R. Hägg (1983) 167–71.

⁴¹ Much as I admire Morris's handling of the archaeological data, I find his methods of argument distressing when it comes to interpretation. His use of odd references from classical orators to establish normal archaic practices and his uncritical employment of later writers who discuss Solon are only two of the unfortunate features; more distressing still, in some ways, is that he can contemplate a situation where part of each oikos gets buried visibly and part invisibly without feeling any need to contemplate what this would imply about inheritance practices (all the classical evidence is for partible inheritanc with all sons taking an equal share and daughters taking only their dowry).

⁴² On Lauter's work see further CR 37 (1987) 322–3; Anthony Snodgrass' views were expressed in art unpublished seminar paper, ‘History's blind alleys: the failed poleis’, given in Cambridge in 1982.

⁴³ Langdon, M.K., A sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia Supplement 16 (1976) 87, 92.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See generally Osborne, R., Classical Landscape with figures. The ancient Greek city and its countryside (London, 1987) especially ch.2.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lauter, H., Der Kultplatz auf dem Turkovuni. Athenische Mitteilungen Beiheft 12 (Berlin, 1985) 155–6Google Scholar: ‘Wir haben die Vermütung angedeutet, dass die Kultaufnahme auf dem Turkovuni durch aufällige Funde ‘heroischer’ Reliquien – also von Spuren der neolithisch/früh-helladischen Begehung der Gipfelzone – ausgelöst worden sein kann’.

⁴⁶ Coldstream, J.N., ‘Hero-cults in the age of Homer’, JHS 96 (1976) 8–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Snodgrass, A.M., Archaeology and the rise of the Greek state (Cambridge, 1977)Google Scholar, Snodgrass, A.M., Archaic Greece. The age of experiment (London, 1980) 37–40.Google Scholar Note that the Homeric poems themselves seem not to have been widely known in Attica until the middle of the sixth century.

⁴⁷ Lauter, H., Der Kultplatz auf dem Turkovuni. Athenische Mitteilungen Beiheft 12 (Berlin, 1985) 157Google Scholar: ‘Wir haben unserem, auf den Einzelfunden begründeten Gefühl Ausdruck verliehen, dass im 7 Jh. v. Chr. ein Kultverband von bäuerlichen Umwohnern die Ausstattung und Bedienung des Heiligtums besorgte. Ob diese Kultteilnehmer gentilizish oder in der Form einig Orgeonenvereins organisiert wären, lässt sich schlechterdings nicht mehr sagen. Den Niedergang des Kultes im frühen 6 Jh. v. Chr. bringen wir mit einer Beeinträchtigung oder Auflösung des vermuteten Kultverbandes währen der politischen und ökonomischen Wirren der Zeit zwischen Solon und Peisistratos zusammen’.

⁴⁸ See above n.23.

⁴⁹ Morris, S.P., The Black and White style. Athens and Aigina in the orientalizing period (Yale, 1984)Google Scholar; Dunbabin, T.J.. ‘Ἔχθϱη παλαίη’ BSA 37 (1936–1937) 83–91.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ compare the remarks of Hurwit, J.M., The art and culture of early Greece, 1100–480 B.C. (Cornell, 1985) 133–5.Google Scholar

⁵¹ It is, of course, not impossible for a whole community to worship together at a hill top sanctuary, but nothing of the archaeological remains suggests communal worship (the Hymettos inscribed sherds strongly suggesting individual activity) and none of the great classical communal processions in Attica was to a hill-top.

⁵² Anthony Snodgrass argues in his forthcoming Sather Lectures that the heroes of Attic Geometric art are local heroes.

⁵³ Langdon, M.K., A sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia Supplement 16 (1976) 49.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For Greece see van Andel, T.H., Runnels, G.N., Beyond the Acropolis. A rural Greek past (Stanford, 1987)Google Scholar, and Osborne, R., Classical Landscape with figures. The ancient Greek city and its countryside (London, 1987).Google Scholar Compare Taylor, G., Village and farmstead. A historv of rural settlement in England (London, 1983)Google Scholar and Laslett, P., Family life and illicit love in earlier generations. Essays in historical sociology (Cambridge, 1977) 50–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on Clayworth and Cogenhoe).