¹ An enormous amount of writing has appeared on the alienation of United States intellectuals from the capitalist culture. Much of that literature that is pertinent to the 1920s and ’30s is cited by Hollander, Paul in his thoughtful book Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba (New York, 1981)Google Scholar. For Van Vechten on “the splended drunken twenties,” see Kellner, Bruce, Carl Van Vechten and the Irreverent Decades (Norman, 1968)Google Scholar, esp. chapts. 6 and 9. For many Americans the United States was again becoming the alcoholic republic,” with many of the implications that Rorabaugh, W.J. attaches to such a phenomenon in his book The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York, 1979)Google Scholar.

² See Perret, Geoffrey America in the Twenties: A History (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.

³ Equating nature “out there” with inward nature is no new phenomenon with figures critical of mainstream culture. In Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, 1982), p. 89, Roderick Nash writes: “Much of [Henry David] Thoreau’s writing was only superficially about the natural world. Following [Ralph Waldo] Emerson’s dictum that ‘the whole of nature is a metaphor of the human mind,’ he turned to it repeatedly as a figurative tool. Wilderness symbolized the unexplored qualities and untapped capacities of every individual. The burden of his message was to penetrate the ‘wilderness … in our brains and bowels, the primitive vigor of Nature in us.‘”

⁴ See Roazen, Paul, Freud and His Followers (New York, 1971), p. 373 Google Scholar. For a telling critique of the American school of Freudian analysis with its vacuous optimism and failure to take into account the sense of the tragic inherent in Freud’s thought, see Bettelheim, Bruno, Freud and Man’s Soul (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.

⁵ See Moore, R. Laurence, In Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology, and American Culture (New York, 1977), p. 151 Google Scholar.

⁶ Ibid., p. 165.

⁷ On the “introspective revolution,” see Weinstein, Fred and Piatt, Gerald M., The Wish To Be Free: Society, Psyche, and Value Change (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), esp. pp. 137–67Google Scholar. In addition to modern art, a cresting wave of spiritualism in the United States of the 1920s attested to the introspective revolution. On the new cult of spiritualism, see Webb, James, The Harmonious Circle: The Lives and Work of G. I. Gurdjieff, P. D. Ouspensky, and their Followers (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, and Welch, Louise, Orage with Gurdjieff in America (Boston, 1982)Google Scholar. See also Ellwood, Robert, Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1973)Google Scholar, and Judah, J. Stillson, The History and Philosophy of the Metaphysical Movement in America (Philadelphia, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁸ MacLeish, Archibald, “The Alternative,” an essay included in his A Continuing Journey (Boston, 1976), p. 159 Google Scholar.

⁹ McLoughlin, William B., Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607–1977 (Chicago, 1978), p. 200 Google Scholar. Tichi, Cecelia in her New World, New Earth: Environmental Reforms in American Literature from the Puritans through Whitman (New Haven, 1979)Google Scholar focuses on the concept that the New World environment had to be reformed, mastered, dominated and—as it were—“uplifted” before millennialist expectations could be fulfilled. On the other hand art historian Novak, Barbara in Nature and Culture: American Landscape and Painting 1825–1875 (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, reveals the strength of the pantheist, transcendentalist conviction that human nature could be redeemed through submission to the wilderness. Thus ambivalence toward the physical wilderness matches that toward the psychic “inward country:” both may be seen as threatening forces that require control and, alternatively, as beneficent sources of fulfillment to which the individual must periodically surrender.

¹⁰ Quoted in Dary, David, Cowboy Culture: A Saga of Five Centuries (New York, 1981), p. 280 Google Scholar.

¹¹ See Mitchell, Lee Clark, Witness to a Vanishing America: The Nineteenth-Century Response (Princeton, 1981)Google Scholar.

¹² See Hahn, Emily, Mabel: A Biography of Mabel Dodge Luhan (Boston, 1977)Google Scholar, chap. 9, and Rudnick, Lois Palken, Mabel Dodge Luhan (Albuquerque, 1984)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 5.

¹³ See Broder, Patricia Janis, Taos: A Painter’s Dream (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, and Nelson, Mary Carroll, The Legendary Artists of Taos (New York, 1980)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Andrew Dasburg quoted by Fergusson, Erna, New Mexico: A Pageant of Three Peoples, 2d ed. (Albuquerque, 1973), pp. 374–75Google Scholar.

¹⁵ For background on the promise and the glory that “civilized” people have found in “primitive” Indians, see Fairchild, Hoxie N., The Noble Savage: A Study in Romantic Nationalism (New York, 1928)Google Scholar. Also useful are Fiedler, Leslie, The Return of the Vanishing American (New York, 1968)Google Scholar, and Pearce, Roy Harvey, Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of Civilization (Baltimore, 1953)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Quoted by Haskell, Barbara, Marsden Hartley (New York, 1980), p. 58 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See Fergusson, , New Mexico, pp. 370–71Google Scholar, and Taylor, Graham D., The New Deal and American Indian Tribalism: The Administration of the Indian Reorganization Act, 1934–1945 (Lincoln, 1980), esp. pp. 11–13 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See Broder, Patricia Janis, American Indian Painting and Sculpture (New York, 1981), p. 9 Google Scholar. See also Douglas, Frederic H. and d’Harnoncourt, René, Indian Art of the United States (New York, 1941)Google Scholar, the catalogue for the Museum of Modern Art exhibition, and Sloan, John and La Farge, Oliver, Introduction to American Indian Art, 2 vols. (New York, 1931)Google Scholar, detailing the discovery of the importance of Indian art by “high art” circles. The critical success achieved by the Indian art exhibit at the 1939 San Francisco Exposition, staged by d’Harnoncourt, is stressed by Schrader, Robert Fay, The Indian Arts and Crafts Board: An Aspect of New Deal Indian Policy (Albuquerque, 1983)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ On North American response to the Mexican art exhibition, see Helen Delpar’s excellent paper, “The Reception of Mexican Art in the United States, 1919–1930,” presented at the November 1981 meeting of the Southern Historical Association in Louisville (unpublished).

²⁰ See Gibson, Arrell Morgan, The Santa Fe and Taos Colonies: Age of the Muses, 1900–1942 (Norman, 1983), pp. 202–03Google Scholar, 207–08. A less friendly treatment of Mary Austin appears in Drinnon, Richard, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire Building (Minneapolis, 1980), pp. 223–31Google Scholar.

²¹ See Stocking, George W. Jr. Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology (New York, 1968), pp. 172–73Google Scholar, 229, 88.

²² See Gleason, Philip, “Americans All: World War II and the Shaping of American Identity,” Review of Politics, 43 (1981), pp. 491, 514CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ See Berkhofer, Robert F. Jr. The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York, 1978), esp. pp. 178–86Google Scholar, and Hertzberg, Hazel L., The Search for an American Indian Identity: Modern Pan-Indian Movements (Syracuse, 1971), pp. 287–98Google Scholar. Extended, evenhanded treatment of Collier’s controversial administration of Indian affairs is provided by Philp, Kenneth R., John Collier’s Crusade for Indian Reform, 1920–1945 (Tucson, 1977)Google Scholar. On Collier’s life and activities up to 1928, see Kelly’s, Lawrence C. masterful The Assault on Assimilation: John Collier and the Origins of Indian Policy Reform (Albuquerque, 1983)Google Scholar. On the mystical visions that Collier brought to the formulation of Indian policy (resembling the attitudes that shaped Waldo Frank’s attitudes toward Latin Americans discussed below), see his On the Gleaming Way, 2d ed. (Chicago, 1962).

²⁴ See the concluding chapter of Herrick’s autobiographical novel Waste (New York, 1924), esp. pp. 405–06, 418–20. A central character in this novel, Cynthia Lane, is loosely modeled on Mabel Dodge Luhan.

²⁵ On the influence of Masonry on one indigenista movement in Peru, the APRA, see Pike, Fredrick B., “Visions of Rebirth: The Spiritualist Facet of Peru’s Haya de la Torre,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 63 (1983), p. 501 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ See American Indian Tepee, 7 (1925), pp. 6–7, quoted by Hertzberg, , Search for an American Indian Identity, pp. 223–24Google Scholar.

²⁷ See Onwood, Maurice, “Impulse and Honor: The Place of Slave and Master in the Ideology of Plantations,” Plantation Society in America, 1 (1979), esp. pp. 33–37 Google Scholar. On stereotypes extending back to the tenth century B.C. that depict slaves as people essentially dominated by their animalistic, instinctual nature, and slave owners as persons of consciousness and rational control, see Evans, William McKee, “From the Land of Canaan to the Land of Guinea: The Strange Odyssey of the Sons of Ham,” American Historical Review, 85 (1980), 14–53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As slavery came gradually to be reserved primarily for Africans, stereotypes once associated with the slave were imputed to blacks in general.

²⁸ See Hughes’s, Langston autobiography, The Big Sea (New York, 1940)Google Scholar, and Lewis, David Levering, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York, 1981)Google Scholar. See also Anderson, Jervis, This Was Harlem: A Cultural Portrait, 1900–1950 (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, Huggins, Nathan I., Harlem Renaissance (New York, 1971)Google Scholar, Kellner, Bruce ed., “Keep A-Inchin’ Along”: Selected Writings of Carl Van Vechten about Black Art and Letters (Westport, Conn., 1979)Google Scholar, and Moses, Wilson J., The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850–1925 (Hamden, Conn., 1978)Google Scholar.

²⁹ Jean Toomer, quoted in Webb, , The Harmonious Circle, p. 416 Google Scholar. On the inspiration that “high art” began to find in children’s art, in part because of the way it was thought to lead one into the realm of the unconscious, see Homer, William Innes, Alfred Stieglitz and the American Avant-Garde (Boston, 1977), pp. 144–46Google Scholar, 289, note 20, and 297–98. The interest that the Greenwich Village counterculture of World War I years accorded children’s art, about which Homer writes, reappeared in the counterculture of the 1920s and ’30s.

³⁰ Toomer stands in a long line of writers who have seen in black slaves, servants, and workers a source of regeneration. See Sollors, Werner, “Literature and Ethnicity,” Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, ed. Thernstrom, Stephen (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), p. 655 Google Scholar. On the perception of blacks as uniquely endowed, by dint of long suffering, to lead the way toward the secular millennium, see Moses, Wilson J., Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary Manipulators of a Religious Myth (College Station, Pa., 1982)Google Scholar.

³¹ On the woman-and-nature theme, see Easlea, Brian, Witch Hunting, Magic and the New Philosophy (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1980)Google Scholar, Griffin, Susan, Woman and Nature: The Roaring Inside Her (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, Lloyd, Genevieve, The Man of Reason: “Male” and “Female” in Western Philosophy (New York, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, McMillan, Carol, Woman, Reason and Nature (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar, Merchant, Carolyn, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, and Ortner, Sherry B., “Is Female to Male as Nature Is to Culture?” in Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist ed., Woman, Culture and Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 67–87 Google Scholar.

³² See Hirschman, Albert O., The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar.

³³ Hale, Sarah quoted in Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York, 1977), p. 128 Google Scholar.

³⁴ Kessler-Harris, Alice, Out to Work: A History of Wage Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, makes a major contribution in showing the extent to which the 1920s represented a turning point for women.

³⁵ See Fishbein, Leslie, Rebels in Bohemia: The Radicals of the “Masses,” 1911–1917 (Chapel Hill, 1982), p. 137 Google Scholar.

³⁶ Similar notions of a millennialist future to be achieved through liberation of the dark-skinned victims of Western colonialism underlay the anti-imperialist urge that gripped many European intellectuals and artists around the turn of the century and found a reflection among United States avant-garde thinkers in the 1920s and ’30s. For an indication of this thought, see Lipp, Julius, The Savage Strikes Back (New Haven, 1937)Google Scholar.

³⁷ See Parry, Elwood, The Image of the Indian and the Black Man in American Art, 1590–1900 (New York, 1974), p. 130 Google Scholar.

³⁸ See Weinberg, Albert K., Manifest Destiny: A Study of Nationalist Expansion in American History (Baltimore, 1935), pp. 72–99 Google Scholar, and DeLeón, Arnoldo, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821–1900 (Austin, 1983)Google Scholar. See also García, Juan Ramón, “The Mexican in Popular Literature, 1875 to 1925,” in Down Mexico Way, ed. Turner, Teresa L. (Tucson, 1984), pp. 1–14 Google Scholar, Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), esp. pp. 189–228 Google Scholar, Langum, David J., “Californios and the Image of Indolence,” Western Historical Quarterly, 9 (1978), 181–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Pitt, Leonard, The Decline of thfe Californios (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 3, Weber, David J. ed., Foreigners in Their Native Land (Albuquerque, 1973)Google Scholar, and Weber, , “‘Scarce More than Apes.’ Historical Roots of Anglo American Stereotypes of Mexicans in the Border Region,” in his edited book, New Spain’s Far Northern Frontier (Albuquerque, 1979), pp. 295–307 Google Scholar.

³⁹ See Rogin, Michael Paul, Fathers and Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of the American Indian (New York, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Andrew Jackson, quoted in Takaki, Ronald T., Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1979), pp. 83–84 Google Scholar.

⁴¹ On Roosevelt’s lumping together of Filipinos and Apaches, see ibid., p. 279. For the General Davis quotation, see Carr, Raymond, Puerto Rico: A Colonial Experiment (New York, 1984), p. 333 Google Scholar. In his provocative book Facing West, Richard Drinnon notes how attitudes originally applied to Indians were transferred to the inhabitants of Pacific islands and even of mainland China as the United States embarked upon imperialism. In imperialist expansion the United States faced not only to the west beyond its own west, but also to the south. The transfer of attitudes shaped by the frontier experience to people of nature occupying lands to the immediate south, rather than to inhabitants of the far-off west across the Pacific, has never received adequate attention.

⁴² On attempts to uplift Indians (attempts that will suggest to anyone knowledgeable on turn-of-the century United States-Latin American relations the degree to which attitudes toward the area south of the border grew out of attitudes toward Native Americans), see Prucha, Francis Paul ed., Americanizing the American Indians: Writings of the “Friends of the Indian” 1880–1900 (Lincoln, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ By the 1920s, United States Indian policy began to reflect a general shift in racial attitudes. Increasingly, whites had come to abandon the vision of an integrated society, in which all alien elements somehow were to be elevated to the standards of the WASP. In place of integration, cultural pluralism had come to prevail; and culture pluralism assumed the survival of pockets of otherness within American society. (See Hoxie, Frederick A., A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920 [Lincoln, 1984], pp. 240–44Google Scholar.) The same transition in values and expectations occurred in the attitudes of many North Americans toward Latin Americans. The transition was especially evident in the 1930s.

⁴⁴ See Johnson, John J., Latin America in Caricature (Austin, 1980)Google Scholar. This is one of the most revealing studies ever published on underlying United States attitudes toward Latin Americans. On the significance of the women and the child as symbols in United States thought, see Hofstadter, Richard, Anti-Intel-lectualism in American Life (New York, 1964), esp. p. 47 Google Scholar, and King, Richard, The Party of Eros: Radical Social Thought and the Realm of Freedom (Chapel Hill, 1972), p. 23 Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See Whitaker, Arthur P., The United States and the Independence of Latin America, 1800–1830 (Baltimore, 1941), p. 37 Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ John Adams, quoted by Takaki, , Iron Cages, p. 4 Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ The desire to prolong childhood appears in many countercultures regardless of time and location. In Germany, for example, the Youth Movement that began in 1901 as a hiking society for boys, and soon spread throughout the country, revealed this characteristic. “One of its chief convictions was the idea that youth was not merely a transitional phase on the way to adulthood, but a value in and of itself.” See Wolin, Richard, Walter Benjamin: An Aesthetic of Redemption (New York, 1983), p. 4 Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See Rosenstone, Robert A., “Learning from those ‘Imitative’ Japanese: Another Side of the American Experience in the Mikado’s Empire,” American Historical Review, 85 (1980), p. 594 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, referring to Professor Ernest F. Fenollosa.

⁴⁹ Fenollosa, , “Chinese and Japanese Traits,” Atlantic Monthly, 69 (1892), p. 775 Google Scholar, quoted in Rosenstone, , “Learning from those ‘Imitative’ Japanese,” p. 594 Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ According to the Literary History of the United States, ed. Spiller, Robert, et al. (New York, 1948), II, 1387 Google Scholar, Frank was the “only serious North American author who exercised a direct influence in Latin America during the 1930s.” Moreover, Frank’s reputation endured in Latin America, in marked contrast to the precipitous decline it suffered in the United States. See Dudley, William S., “Waldo Frank, North American Pensador,” in Columbia Essays in International Affairs: The Dean’s Papers, Vol. 3, ed. Cordier, A.W. (New York, 1968)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ See Gleason, Philip, “American Identity and Americanization,” Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, p. 38 Google Scholar.

⁵² See Scholem, Gershom, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, trans. Manheim, Ralph (New York, 1969), pp. 108 Google Scholar, 130. For useful background material, see Sharot, Stephen, Messianism, Mysticism, and Magic: A Sociological Analysis of Jewish Religious Movements (Chapel Hill, 1982)Google Scholar.

⁵³ See Frank, Waldo, South American Journey (New York, 1943), pp. 45–57 Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ On Frank’s fiction, see Bittner, William, The Novels of Waldo Frank (Philadelphia, 1958)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ See Webb, , The Harmonious Circle, pp. 271–72Google Scholar. On Frank see also Ogorzaly, Michael “Waldo Frank: Prophet of Hispanic Regeneration,” Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame (1982)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Trachtenberg, Alan introduction to Memoirs of Waldo Frank, ed. Trachtenberg, (Amherst, 1973), p. viii.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ For development of these themes, see Frank’s, The Re-Discovery of America: An Introduction to a Philosophy of American Life (New York, 1929)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Frank, Waldo America Hispana: A Portrait and a Prospect (New York, 1932), p. 370 Google Scholar. In his Memoirs, p. 134, Frank wrote: “How could the Americas become a New World (rather than ‘the grave of Europe’) unless they produced new men?”

⁵⁹ This was Frank’s message to Argentines, as described by Meyer, Doris in Victoria Ocampo: Against the Wind and the Tide (New York, 1979), p. 105 Google Scholar. Frank’s belief that the two halves of the New World were destined to form an organic whole adds a new dimension to some of the viewpoints described by Whitaker, Arthur P. in his masterful study The Western Hemisphere Idea: Its Rise and Decline (Ithaca, 1954)Google Scholar. Whitaker ignored the mystical, esoteric element inherent in the vision of Western hemispheric unity. An important void in intellectual history might be filled by a study approaching inter-American movements from this perspective.

⁶⁰ Luis Alberto Sánchez, quoted in Bernardete, I.J. ed., Waldo Frank in America Hispana (New York, 1930), p. 119 Google Scholar.

⁶¹ From D. H. Lawrence’s Mornings in Mexico, quoted by Lewis, Wyndham Paleface: The Philosophy of the “Melting Pot” (New York, 1969 Google Scholar, originally published in 1929), p. 174. In this caustic book, Lewis is alternately insightful and mean-spirited as he examines feminism and the cults of the Indian, the Negro, and the child that engulfed many United States intellectuals in the 1920s.

⁶² Brooks, Van Wyck Days of the Phoenix: The Nineteen-Twenties I Remember (New York, 1957), pp. 27–28 Google Scholar.

⁶³ Borkenau, Franz The Spanish Cockpit (Ann Arbor, 1963, originally published in 1937), pp. 299–300 Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ See de Rivera, José Antonio Primo Obras de …, edición cronològica, comp. Cisneros, Agustín del Rio 4th ed. (Madrid, 1966), p. 787 Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ See Pike, Fredrick B. “The Spanish Background to the Civil War in Spain and the U.S. Response to the War,” in Falcoff, Mark and Pike, , eds., The Spanish Civil War: American Hemispheric Perspectives (Lincoln, 1982), pp. 30–37 Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ See Ogorzaly, , “Waldo Frank,” p. 189 Google Scholar. As it turned out, Frank did not undertake his lecture tour until 1942. On it see his South American Journey, and Ustedes y Nosotros: Nuevo mensaje a Ibero América, trans, from an English manuscript by Frieda Weber (Buenos Aires, 1942).

⁶⁷ See Daniels, Josephus Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat (Chapel Hill, 1947), p. 309 Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ See Cronon, E. David Josephus Daniels in Mexico (Madison, 1960), p. 113 Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See Frank, , Ustedes y Nosotros, pp. 165–67Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Wallace, Henry A. Democracy Reborn. Selected from the Public Papers and edited with an introduction and notes by Russell Lord (New York, 1944), p. 159 Google Scholar. José Manuel Puig Casauranc, Mexican ambassador to the United States at the time, offered a 1931 toast in Washington that echoes the sentiments of Waldo Frank and Henry Wallace: “America! Our America, without distinction of race or language, must become more and more united. Without boasting and without the slightest offense to Europe, it must be recognized that the axis of the Western civilization is turning; that it has already turned from where it was only a quarter of a century ago. We believe that axis is now at the point of passing, from North to South, to the American Continent.” Several years later Puig Casauranc, then Mexico’s minister of foreign relations, repeated the same toast to United States Ambassador Josephus Daniels. See Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 100 Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Wallace, , Democracy Reborn, p. 138 Google Scholar.

⁷² Wallace, Henry A. The Price of Freedom (Washington, D.C., 1940), p. 9 Google Scholar.

⁷³ Wallace, , Democracy Reborn, pp. 230–31Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Ibid., p. 44.

⁷⁵ Wallace, Henry A. Soviet Asia Mission, with the collaboration of Steiger, Andrew J. (New York, 1946), p. 20 Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ See ibid., pp. 102, 124, and Democracy Reborn, p. 198.

⁷⁷ Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 347 Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Herschel Johnson, quoted in Cronon, , Josephus Daniels, p. 85 Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 25 Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Ibid., p. 308.

⁸¹ Daniels, quoted in Cronon, , Josephus Daniels, p. 130 Google Scholar.

⁸² Ibid., p. 130. Cronon, p. 61, also detects an underlying Wilsonian influence on Daniels.

⁸³ See Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 199 Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Tannenbaum, Frank Peace by Revolution: An Interpretation of Mexico (New York, 1933), p. 6 Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ See Britton, John A. “In Defense of Revolution: American Journalists in Mexico, 1920–1929,” Journalism History, 5 (1978–79), pp. 126–28Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ See Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 300 Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ On Tannenbaum’s 1938 meeting with Haya de la Torre, see Davies, Thomas M. Jr. and Villanueva, Victor eds., Secretos electorales del APRA: Correspondencia y documentos de 1939 (Lima, 1982), pp. 17–19 Google Scholar. On Frank’s 1942 meeting with Haya, see Frank, , South American Journey, p. 383 Google Scholar. His political rights stripped by the Peruvian government, Haya de la Torre was officially in hiding in the Lima area at the time of the Tannenbaum and Frank visits. However, the Peruvian government and the United States Embassy knew where Haya was most of the time.

⁸⁸ See Salisbury, Richard V. “The Middle American Exile of Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre,” The Americas, 40 (1983), pp. 1–16 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁹ See Daniels, , Shirt-Sleeve Diplomat, p. 258 Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ See Daniel Aaron’s introduction to Herrick’s, Robert Memoirs of an American Citizen, a novel originally published in 1905 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), p. xxviii.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Budd’s, Louis J. introduction to Herrick’s, novel The Web of Life,(New York, 1970, originally published in 1900), pp. v–xxiGoogle Scholar, and Nevius, Blake, Robert Herrick: The Development of a Novelist (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1970)Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Welles, Sumner, Where Are We Heading? (New York, 1946), p. 236 Google Scholar. For a novel interpretation of Welles’s confrontations with State Department hardliners, see Bennett, Randall, The Roosevelt Foreign-Policy Establishment and the “Good Neighbor” : The United States and Argentina, 1941–1945 (Lawrence, Kan., 1979)Google Scholar.

⁹² For classic statements of an economic interpretation of the Good Neighbor policy, see Gardner, Lloyd, Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964)Google Scholar, and Green, David, The Containment of Latin America (New York, 1971)Google Scholar. On the security motivations of the policy see Haglund, David G., Latin America and the Transformation of U.S. Strategic Thought, 1936–1940 (Albuquerque, 1984)Google Scholar, Langley, Lester D., “The World Crisis and the Good Neighbor Policy,” The Americas, 24 (1967), pp. 137–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Wood, Bryce, The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy (New York, 1961)Google Scholar. A judicious blending of economic and security factors distinguishes Dallek, Robert, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945 (New York, 1979)Google Scholar, containing an excellent treatment of the Good Neighbor policy, and Gellman, Irwin F., Good Neighbor Diplomacy: United States Policies in Latin America, 1933–1945 (Baltimore, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁹³ See Ravitch, Diane, The Troubled Crusade: American Education 1945–1980 (New York, 1983), p. 78 Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See Howe, Irving, A Margin of Hope: An Intellectual Biography (New York, 1982), p. 233 Google Scholar. In this book, Howe faults the intelligentsia of the 1950s for being loath to do what he still felt in 1984 they must continually do: welcome into their ranks “the unruly, the uncouth, the barbaric,” and heed Emerson’s call to attend to “the literature of the poor, the feelings of the child, the philosophy of the street. …” See the report in the February 1, 1984 New York Times on the January 27 discussion at the New York Public Library on “Excellence: Theory and Practice in the Humanities.”