Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
In this essay I describe some often ignored North American modes of perceiving Latin Americans; and I suggest that a change in these modes contributed to the Good Neighbor era (1933-1945). I do not presume to argue that shifting attitudes and perceptions should be seen as the principal factors in shaping the Good Neighbor policy. Anyone concerned with the primary determinants of that policy must turn to security and economic considerations. Still, an intellectual—and, really, a psychological—phenomenon of shifting perceptions and stereotypes among North Americans accounted for some of the enthusiasm with which they greeted what they took to be a new approach to Latin America.
In its central thrust this essay suggests that in hemispheric relations, seen from the north-of-the-Rio-Grande perspective, the United States stands generally for culture and Latin America for nature. Symbolizing the capitalist culture of the Yankees, shaped by their struggle to subdue wilderness and nature, has been the white male, often portrayed by Uncle Sam. In contrast, Latin America has been symbolized by Indians, blacks, women, children, and also the idle poor: people assumed to lack the capitalist urge constantly to tame, dominate, and uplift nature.
Portions of this essay were presented in a paper delivered at the 1984 American Historical Association Convention in Chicago. Comments and criticisms by Joyce Goldberg, Frederick M. Nunn, Michael Ogorzaly, Joseph S. Tulçhin and an anonymous reader proved enormously helpful in the revision of early drafts.
1 An enormous amount of writing has appeared on the alienation of United States intellectuals from the capitalist culture. Much of that literature that is pertinent to the 1920s and ’30s is cited by Hollander, Paul in his thoughtful book Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba (New York, 1981)Google Scholar. For Van Vechten on “the splended drunken twenties,” see Kellner, Bruce, Carl Van Vechten and the Irreverent Decades (Norman, 1968)Google Scholar, esp. chapts. 6 and 9. For many Americans the United States was again becoming the alcoholic republic,” with many of the implications that Rorabaugh, W.J. attaches to such a phenomenon in his book The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York, 1979)Google Scholar.
2 See Perret, Geoffrey America in the Twenties: A History (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.
3 Equating nature “out there” with inward nature is no new phenomenon with figures critical of mainstream culture. In Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, 1982), p. 89, Roderick Nash writes: “Much of [Henry David] Thoreau’s writing was only superficially about the natural world. Following [Ralph Waldo] Emerson’s dictum that ‘the whole of nature is a metaphor of the human mind,’ he turned to it repeatedly as a figurative tool. Wilderness symbolized the unexplored qualities and untapped capacities of every individual. The burden of his message was to penetrate the ‘wilderness … in our brains and bowels, the primitive vigor of Nature in us.‘”
4 See Roazen, Paul, Freud and His Followers (New York, 1971), p. 373 Google Scholar. For a telling critique of the American school of Freudian analysis with its vacuous optimism and failure to take into account the sense of the tragic inherent in Freud’s thought, see Bettelheim, Bruno, Freud and Man’s Soul (New York, 1982)Google Scholar.
5 See Moore, R. Laurence, In Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology, and American Culture (New York, 1977), p. 151 Google Scholar.
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7 On the “introspective revolution,” see Weinstein, Fred and Piatt, Gerald M., The Wish To Be Free: Society, Psyche, and Value Change (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), esp. pp. 137–67Google Scholar. In addition to modern art, a cresting wave of spiritualism in the United States of the 1920s attested to the introspective revolution. On the new cult of spiritualism, see Webb, James, The Harmonious Circle: The Lives and Work of G. I. Gurdjieff, P. D. Ouspensky, and their Followers (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, and Welch, Louise, Orage with Gurdjieff in America (Boston, 1982)Google Scholar. See also Ellwood, Robert, Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1973)Google Scholar, and Judah, J. Stillson, The History and Philosophy of the Metaphysical Movement in America (Philadelphia, 1967)Google Scholar.
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9 McLoughlin, William B., Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607–1977 (Chicago, 1978), p. 200 Google Scholar. Tichi, Cecelia in her New World, New Earth: Environmental Reforms in American Literature from the Puritans through Whitman (New Haven, 1979)Google Scholar focuses on the concept that the New World environment had to be reformed, mastered, dominated and—as it were—“uplifted” before millennialist expectations could be fulfilled. On the other hand art historian Novak, Barbara in Nature and Culture: American Landscape and Painting 1825–1875 (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, reveals the strength of the pantheist, transcendentalist conviction that human nature could be redeemed through submission to the wilderness. Thus ambivalence toward the physical wilderness matches that toward the psychic “inward country:” both may be seen as threatening forces that require control and, alternatively, as beneficent sources of fulfillment to which the individual must periodically surrender.
10 Quoted in Dary, David, Cowboy Culture: A Saga of Five Centuries (New York, 1981), p. 280 Google Scholar.
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19 On North American response to the Mexican art exhibition, see Helen Delpar’s excellent paper, “The Reception of Mexican Art in the United States, 1919–1930,” presented at the November 1981 meeting of the Southern Historical Association in Louisville (unpublished).
20 See Gibson, Arrell Morgan, The Santa Fe and Taos Colonies: Age of the Muses, 1900–1942 (Norman, 1983), pp. 202–03Google Scholar, 207–08. A less friendly treatment of Mary Austin appears in Drinnon, Richard, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire Building (Minneapolis, 1980), pp. 223–31Google Scholar.
21 See Stocking, George W. Jr. Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology (New York, 1968), pp. 172–73Google Scholar, 229, 88.
22 See Gleason, Philip, “Americans All: World War II and the Shaping of American Identity,” Review of Politics, 43 (1981), pp. 491, 514CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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24 See the concluding chapter of Herrick’s autobiographical novel Waste (New York, 1924), esp. pp. 405–06, 418–20. A central character in this novel, Cynthia Lane, is loosely modeled on Mabel Dodge Luhan.
25 On the influence of Masonry on one indigenista movement in Peru, the APRA, see Pike, Fredrick B., “Visions of Rebirth: The Spiritualist Facet of Peru’s Haya de la Torre,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 63 (1983), p. 501 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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28 See Hughes’s, Langston autobiography, The Big Sea (New York, 1940)Google Scholar, and Lewis, David Levering, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York, 1981)Google Scholar. See also Anderson, Jervis, This Was Harlem: A Cultural Portrait, 1900–1950 (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, Huggins, Nathan I., Harlem Renaissance (New York, 1971)Google Scholar, Kellner, Bruce ed., “Keep A-Inchin’ Along”: Selected Writings of Carl Van Vechten about Black Art and Letters (Westport, Conn., 1979)Google Scholar, and Moses, Wilson J., The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850–1925 (Hamden, Conn., 1978)Google Scholar.
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30 Toomer stands in a long line of writers who have seen in black slaves, servants, and workers a source of regeneration. See Sollors, Werner, “Literature and Ethnicity,” Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, ed. Thernstrom, Stephen (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), p. 655 Google Scholar. On the perception of blacks as uniquely endowed, by dint of long suffering, to lead the way toward the secular millennium, see Moses, Wilson J., Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary Manipulators of a Religious Myth (College Station, Pa., 1982)Google Scholar.
31 On the woman-and-nature theme, see Easlea, Brian, Witch Hunting, Magic and the New Philosophy (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1980)Google Scholar, Griffin, Susan, Woman and Nature: The Roaring Inside Her (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, Lloyd, Genevieve, The Man of Reason: “Male” and “Female” in Western Philosophy (New York, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, McMillan, Carol, Woman, Reason and Nature (Princeton, 1982)Google Scholar, Merchant, Carolyn, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, and Ortner, Sherry B., “Is Female to Male as Nature Is to Culture?” in Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist ed., Woman, Culture and Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 67–87 Google Scholar.
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33 Hale, Sarah quoted in Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York, 1977), p. 128 Google Scholar.
34 Kessler-Harris, Alice, Out to Work: A History of Wage Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, makes a major contribution in showing the extent to which the 1920s represented a turning point for women.
35 See Fishbein, Leslie, Rebels in Bohemia: The Radicals of the “Masses,” 1911–1917 (Chapel Hill, 1982), p. 137 Google Scholar.
36 Similar notions of a millennialist future to be achieved through liberation of the dark-skinned victims of Western colonialism underlay the anti-imperialist urge that gripped many European intellectuals and artists around the turn of the century and found a reflection among United States avant-garde thinkers in the 1920s and ’30s. For an indication of this thought, see Lipp, Julius, The Savage Strikes Back (New Haven, 1937)Google Scholar.
37 See Parry, Elwood, The Image of the Indian and the Black Man in American Art, 1590–1900 (New York, 1974), p. 130 Google Scholar.
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39 See Rogin, Michael Paul, Fathers and Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of the American Indian (New York, 1975)Google Scholar.
40 Andrew Jackson, quoted in Takaki, Ronald T., Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1979), pp. 83–84 Google Scholar.
41 On Roosevelt’s lumping together of Filipinos and Apaches, see ibid., p. 279. For the General Davis quotation, see Carr, Raymond, Puerto Rico: A Colonial Experiment (New York, 1984), p. 333 Google Scholar. In his provocative book Facing West, Richard Drinnon notes how attitudes originally applied to Indians were transferred to the inhabitants of Pacific islands and even of mainland China as the United States embarked upon imperialism. In imperialist expansion the United States faced not only to the west beyond its own west, but also to the south. The transfer of attitudes shaped by the frontier experience to people of nature occupying lands to the immediate south, rather than to inhabitants of the far-off west across the Pacific, has never received adequate attention.
42 On attempts to uplift Indians (attempts that will suggest to anyone knowledgeable on turn-of-the century United States-Latin American relations the degree to which attitudes toward the area south of the border grew out of attitudes toward Native Americans), see Prucha, Francis Paul ed., Americanizing the American Indians: Writings of the “Friends of the Indian” 1880–1900 (Lincoln, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
43 By the 1920s, United States Indian policy began to reflect a general shift in racial attitudes. Increasingly, whites had come to abandon the vision of an integrated society, in which all alien elements somehow were to be elevated to the standards of the WASP. In place of integration, cultural pluralism had come to prevail; and culture pluralism assumed the survival of pockets of otherness within American society. (See Hoxie, Frederick A., A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920 [Lincoln, 1984], pp. 240–44Google Scholar.) The same transition in values and expectations occurred in the attitudes of many North Americans toward Latin Americans. The transition was especially evident in the 1930s.
44 See Johnson, John J., Latin America in Caricature (Austin, 1980)Google Scholar. This is one of the most revealing studies ever published on underlying United States attitudes toward Latin Americans. On the significance of the women and the child as symbols in United States thought, see Hofstadter, Richard, Anti-Intel-lectualism in American Life (New York, 1964), esp. p. 47 Google Scholar, and King, Richard, The Party of Eros: Radical Social Thought and the Realm of Freedom (Chapel Hill, 1972), p. 23 Google Scholar.
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50 According to the Literary History of the United States, ed. Spiller, Robert, et al. (New York, 1948), II, 1387 Google Scholar, Frank was the “only serious North American author who exercised a direct influence in Latin America during the 1930s.” Moreover, Frank’s reputation endured in Latin America, in marked contrast to the precipitous decline it suffered in the United States. See Dudley, William S., “Waldo Frank, North American Pensador,” in Columbia Essays in International Affairs: The Dean’s Papers, Vol. 3, ed. Cordier, A.W. (New York, 1968)Google Scholar.
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