¹ For an example of the autobiographical material that does exist, see Thorez, Maurice, Fils du Peuple (Paris, 1949)Google Scholar. An English translation of an earlier edition appears under the title, Son of the People, trans. Garman, Douglas (New York, 1939)Google Scholar. Also see Montagnana, Mario, Ricordi di un Operaio Torinese, Vol. 1, Sotto La Guida di Gramsci, Vol. II, Sotto La Guida di Togliatte (Rome, 1949)Google Scholar.

² “Closed bureaucracy,” as the term is used in this study, refers to a bureaucracy in which the leadership is recruited from the ranks. By and large this type of bureaucracy is found in organizations existing largely for ideological purposes, for example, churches and some political parties. These organizations can be contrasted with business enterprises which at times recruit even top leaders from outside their own ranks.

³ The Italian Central Committee used in this analysis has seventy-two members and was elected at the close of the Seventh Congress of the Italian Communist party held in Rome, April 3–8, 1951. L'Unitá (Rome), the official organ of the Italian party, carried the names of the new members of the Committee along with short biographical sketches on April 10, 1951. The Parti Communiste Français elected the Central Committee used in this sample at its Twelfth Congress, which met in Paris during the first week of April, 1950. The Committee consists of thirty-nine members whose names were reported in the party's organ, L'Humanité (Paris), on April 7, 1950. The major change in the composition of the French Central Committee since 1950 has been the removal of André Marty and Charles Tillon.

⁴ The National Committee included in this sample was elected at the National Convention of the Communist Party of the United States held in late December, 1950. The names of the Committee members were obtained from Political Affairs, the theoretical magazine of the party, January, 1951. All but William Z. Foster and Elizabeth G. Flynn were among those tried under the Smith Act for conspiring to overthrow the government by force, found guilty, and given prison terms in 1949 (the so-called “trial of the eleven”). Elizabeth G. Flynn was tried in a later trial. The additional thirty-six included in the sample are among those who have been arrested in various parts of the country for violation of the Smith Act. Nine of this additional thirty-six are alternate members of the National Committee, and many have at one time or another served on it.

⁵ In addition to the issue of L'Unitá cited above, the major sources of information on the Italian Communists were: (1) Albo Biographico del Deputati e Senatori Communisti e Socialisti (Rome, 1948)Google Scholar; (2) Il Parlamento Della Republica Italiana nella Prima Legislature Constituzione Functionamento Biografie Dati Statistici, Supplement to Chi E (Rome, n.d.); (3) Chi E (Rome, 1948)Google Scholar; (4) a number of propaganda pamphlets put out by the Communists for the general election in 1948. An effort was made to double-check all information, particularly when the prime source was a Communist publication.

⁶ Major sources included: (1) United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, The United States of America, Appellee, v. Eugene Dennis, et al., Defendants-Appellants, Joint Appendix (New York, n.d.); (2) a number of hearings and reports of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 1938–1951; (3) a series of press releases from the Department of Justice containing biographical information on the Communists arrested in the United States under the Smith Act.

⁷ Major sources included: (1) Dictionaire Biographique Français Contemporain (Paris, 1950)Google Scholar; (2) Conseil de la Républic, Notice et Portraits (Paris, 1947)Google Scholar; (3) numerous issues of L'Humanité and other Communist publications in which biographical notes on individual Communists were found.

⁸ The intellectuals in the party leadership actually show signs of being upwardly mobile. A number of these came from working class backgrounds or from that amorphous border area between the working class and the bourgeosie which is occupied by what has been appropriately called the “lumpen bourgeosie.” This point is mentioned because it is one way in which the Communist leadership seems to differ significantly from the Nazi leadership. Daniel Lerner concludes that the intellectuals in the Nazi movement were faced with a decline in status when they joined that party and implies that joining the party was one manner of coping with this prospective loss of prestige. See Lerner, Daniel, The Nazi Elite (Stanford, 1951), p. 83Google Scholar.

⁹ In a number of cases in the analysis where the “no information” category is particularly large, it was felt that a more accurate interpretation of the data could be given by using percentage figures computed on the basis of those on whom information was available. A manipulation of the figures in this manner assumes that the distribution of the variable among those on whom there is no information is the same as among those on whom information is available. In certain instances this seems to be a reasonable assumption to make, e.g., in regard to age at time of first radical activity. However, at other times it is believed that the very reason information is not available is related to the particular distribution of the variable.

¹⁰ The Nazi Elite (cited in note 8), pp. 10–12, 16–23.

¹¹ Because of the fact that it is being used as a index of recognition and acceptance of party goals, a loose concept of functionary has been employed, and the unique aspects of the party in the various countries demand that different criteria be established to determine functionary status in the several parties. For instance, in Italy during the period of fascism an exile ordered by the party qualified a man as a functionary. Participation in the Spanish Civil War as a Communist was also included in the definition of functionary.

¹² Because of the fact that arrest for Communist activity was one of the main criteria for selecting the American members, information on them was not included in Tables IV and V.

¹³ For empirical data on the Russian revolutionary leaders similar to that presented above, see Davis, Jerome, “A Study of 163 Outstanding Communist Leaders,” American Sociological Society Papers, Vol. 24, pp. 42–55 (1930)Google Scholar and Schueller, George K., The Politburo (Stanford, 1951)Google Scholar. The Russian leaders of the revolution showed many of the characteristics here reported on Western leaders. For instance, Davis reports that over three-quarters of his sample had engaged in radical activity by the age of twenty-one. For information on the Nazi leaders see Lerner, The Nazi Elite (cited in note 8).

¹⁴ The role of this type of motivation in the Nazi movement has been mentioned. See, for example, Erikson, Erik H., “Hitler's Imagery and German Youth,” Psychiatry, Vol. 5, pp. 475–93, esp. pp. 475–80, 486 (Nov., 1942)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Erikson characterizes Hitler as “ … an adolescent who never gave in.”