Phenomenological archaeologists and GIS scholars have turned much attention to visibility—who can see whom, and what can be seen—across ancient landscapes. Visible connections can be relatively easy to identify, but they present challenges to interpretation. Ancient peoples created intervisible connections among sites for purposes that included surveillance, defense, symbolism, shared identity, and communication. In the American Southwest, many high places are intervisible by virtue of the elevated topography and the open skies. The Chaco phenomenon, centered in northwestern New Mexico between A.D. 850 and 1140, presents an ideal situation for visibility research. In this study, we use GIS-generated viewsheds and viewnets to investigate intervisible connections among great houses, shrines, and related features across the Chacoan landscape. We demonstrate that a Chacoan shrine network, likely established during the mid-eleventh century, facilitated intervisibility between outlier communities and Chaco Canyon. It is most likely that the Chacoans created this network to enable meaningful connections for communication and identity. We conclude that the boundaries of the Chaco phenomenon are defined in some sense by intervisibility.

Unlike many goods in the eighteenth century, which were wholly imported, utilitarian coarse earthenwares were also produced locally within the American colonies. In the Chesapeake region, it has been suggested that these local wares were primarily reserved for those unable to directly participate in the transatlantic credit economy fostered by the tobacco consignment system. Rather than relying on ambiguous visual attributes to identify these wares, this study utilized elemental analysis via LA-ICP-MS. Coarse earthenwares from domestic plantation contexts of varying social status were assigned to production zones based on shared elemental composition with a reference dataset. This reference dataset incorporated sherds from historic earthenware production sites across the mid-Atlantic and in Great Britain, representing 12 geologically distinct production zones. The results emphasize the diversity of coarse earthenware sources that Chesapeake residents accessed, both local and imported. There was a steady decrease in the use of imported wares in favor of domestically made products over time. There were no sharp differences among plantation households of different statuses, suggesting that these everyday wares were equally accessible to all, perhaps via plantation provisioning strategies. The omnipresence of local wares is evidence for the pragmatic and political strengths of local production.

Diversity is generally valued, although it sometimes contributes to difficult social situations, as is recognized in recent social science literature. Archaeology can provide insights into how diverse social situations play out over the long term. There are many kinds of diversities, and we propose representational diversity as a distinct category. Representational diversity specifically concerns how and whether differences are marked or masked materially. We investigate several archaeological sequences in the U.S. Southwest. Each began with the coming together of populations that created situations of unprecedented social diversity; some resulted in conflict, others in long-term stability. We trace how representational diversity changed through these sequences. Specifically, we review the transregional Kayenta migration to the southern Southwest and focus empirical analyses on regional processes in the Cibola region and on painted ceramics. Results show that, initially, representational diversity increased above and beyond that caused by the combination of previously separate traditions as people marked their differences. Subsequently, in some instances, the diversity was replaced by widespread homogeneity as the differences were masked and mitigated. Although the social causes and effects of diversity are many and varied, long-term stability and persistence is associated with tolerance of a range of diversities.

Much attention has been paid to the role of increased food production in the development of social complexity. However, increased food production is only one kind of agricultural process, and some changes in agronomic practices were geared toward stabilizing production or counteracting periodic shortfalls. The intersection between these latter strategies and sociopolitical development are poorly understood, while the long-term value of risk management strategies is often hypothesized but empirically not well demonstrated. We address these issues using recent archaeological data from the Samoan Archipelago, Polynesia. We investigate variability in, and the development of, one type of agricultural infrastructure: ditch- and-parcel complexes. In the context of Samoa’s high-volume rainfall, recurrent cyclones, and steep topography, these novel risk management facilities offered production stability and, by extension, long-term selective benefits to both emergent elites and the general populace. Their effectiveness against known hazards is demonstrated by hydrologicai modeling, while their long-term success is indicated by increased distribution and size over time. Additionally, based on their morphologies, funetional properties, chronology, and spatial patterning, we argue that this infrastructure could have been effectively used by emergent elites to gain political advantage, particularly in conjunction with environmental perturbations that created production bottlenecks or shortfalls.

Archaeologists working in the Salish Sea (Strait of Georgia and Puget Sound) region of the Pacific Northwest have unearthed human burials and non-mortuary features dated to 4000–3500 cal B.P. containing tens and even hundreds of thousands of stone and shell disc beads. Several sites are reported here, including burials recently excavated from site DjRw–14 located in the territory of the shíshálh Nation. We argue that the disc beads constituted an important form of material wealth at this time, based on the amount of labor that would have been required to produce them and the capacity for beads to accrue in value after their production. A model of material wealth-based inequality is developed for a period much older than many archaeologists working in the region have previously thought.

Although the Mississippian standard jar, a specific vessel form found in many parts of the Mississippian cultural world, has long been recognized as a utilitarian cooking pot, the important connection between this ceramic form and maize has largely been overlooked. By focusing on the Mississippian site of Moundville located in the Black Warrior valley of west-central Alabama, I propose that the Mississippian standard jar was not simply a general cooking pot, but instead a specialized culinary tool used to nixtamalize maize. As such, both the vessel and the plant were part of a cohesive ancestral hominy foodway. This relationship is demonstrated in two ways: first, by articulating both the hominy foodway and the antecedent nut foodway practiced between A.D. 1020–1260; and, second, by exploring changes in the morphology and use-alteration patterns of the Moundville Mississippian standard jars recovered from contexts dating to the Moundville I-III phases(A.D. 1120–1520). The relationship between vessel and food demonstrated here suggests a practice- and taste-based model for the synergistic relationship long recognized between maize and the emergence of the Mississippian civic-ceremonial center of Moundville.

Were Early Agricultural period (2100 B.C.–A.D. 50) maize cultivators in Southern Arizona sedentary farmers or seasonally mobile forager-farmers? Ethnographic analogs and ethnographically derived middle range theory support both claims. One argument for sedentism has been the abundance of large subterranean storage pits. These are often presumed to have been used for long-term food storage. This study of wetlands-indicator spores recovered from those pits indicates that the pits were often saturated and could not have been used for long-term food storage; these findings support the general contention that Early Agricultural period maize cultivators were seasonally mobile and tried to fit early agriculture into a subsistence regime focused on wild foods.

Antiquarians of the nineteenth century referred to the largest monumental constructions in eastern North America as pyramids, but this usage faded among archaeologists by the mid-twentieth century. Pauketat (2007) has reintroduced the term pyramid to describe the larger, Mississippian-period (A.D. 1050 to 1550) mounds of the interior of the continent, recognizing recent studies that demonstrate the complexity of their construction. Such recognition is lacking for earlier mounds and for those constructed of shell. We describe the recent identification of stepped pyramids of shell from the Roberts Island Complex, located on the central Gulf Coast of Florida and dating to the terminal Late Woodland period, A.D. 800 to 1050, thus recognizing the sophistication of monument construction in an earlier time frame, using a different construction material, and taking an alternative form.

Protohistoric Ancestral Apache Dismal River groups (A.D. 1600–1750) participated in large exchange networks linking them to other peoples on the Plains and U.S. Southwest. Ceramic vessels made from micaceous materials appear at many Dismal River sites, and micaceous pottery recovered from the Central High Plains is typically seen as evidence for interaction with northern Rio Grande pueblos. However, few mineral or chemical characterization analyses have been conducted on these ceramics, and the term “micaceous” has been applied to a broad range of vessel types regardless of the form, size, or amount of mica in their pastes. Our recent analyses, including macroscopic evaluation combined with petrography and neutron activation analyses (NAA), indicate that only a small subset of Dismal River sherds are derived from New Mexico clays. The rest were likely manufactured using materials from Colorado and Wyoming. Seasonal mobility patterns may have given Dismal River potters the opportunity to collect mica raw materials as they traveled between the Central Plains and Front Range, and this has implications for the importance of internal Plains social networks during the Protohistoric and Historic periods.

Bayesian chronological modeling is used to investigate the chronology of bastioned palisades during the precolumbian period in the Midwestern and Southeastern United States. Nine precolumbian settlements in the Midwest and Southeast with bastioned palisades have been subject to scientific dating (Angel Mounds, Annis Village, Aztalan, Cahokia Mounds, Etowah, Kincaid Mounds, Jonathan Creek, Moundville, and Southwind). Complete radiocarbon datasets from these sites are presented within an interpretative Bayesian statistical framework. The results provide a glimpse into the history of Mississippi period (A.D. 1000–1700) fortifications with bastions and indicate that the analyzed fortifications were built and maintained predominantly in A.D. 1200–1400. This finding suggests a greater institutionalized role for defense and warfare in post-A.D. 1200 Mississippian societies. Additionally, modeling results further indicate that the investigated Mississippian centers continued to maintain fortifications for generations after their construction.