The rapid spread of Numic peoples into the Great Basin about 500-700 years ago is a major anomaly in the prehistory of that region because, according to current interpretations, it occurred in the absence of major adaptive change. A review of existing evidence suggests that this view is incorrect; we propose an alternative notion of important contrasts between Prenumic and Numic adaptation in terms of the relative reliance on large game and small seeds. These contrasts explain why the Numic speakers were consistently able to expand at the expense of Prenumic groups.

This paper addresses two topics central to the study of nonhierarchical, regional social networks, sometimes termed “tribal” social networks: (1) alternative models of the evolution of regional integration; and (2) the archaeological determination of characteristics of such regional networks. Problems in previous ethnological and archaeological studies are identified, and an alternative model is proposed. This is based on a more general theory of organizational processes in nonhierarchical social systems. Data from the prehistoric North American Southwest and Midwest are shown to support the more general model, which treats such networks as organizational responses to increasing environmental uncertainty occasioned by either cultural or physical ecological factors, or both.

The aboriginal thermal processing of Bald Eagle Jasper in Central Pennsylvania is described in terms of the chemical and physical changes that occur in this material. Heat treatment is shown to transform the jasper's geothite component to hematite and to improve its workability by reducing its fracture toughness by one-half. This is accompanied by a yellow to red color change. The role of thermal alteration in the local lithic technology is inferred from laboratory heating experiments and from an analysis of lithic artifacts from the Houserville Site (36 Ce 65), a jasper workshop. The prehistoric utilization of this material is analyzed from a regional perspective. The results have implications for aboriginal social organization in Central Pennsylvania.

For decades the “potbellied” monuments have been the center of a controversy in Mesoamerican archaeology. These massive boulder sculptures have been found at numerous sites associated with the major culture-historical problems of the Preclassic period in southern Mesoamerica. A secure dating of the style has not been possible and there have been several conflicting interpretations of their age and significance. One interpretation holds that some “potbellies” are among the earliest monumental sculptures in the New World, contemporary with, or even ancestral to, the Olmec style. New evidence from the site of Santa Leticia. El Salvador, provides the first secure dating of several “potbellied” monuments and related sculptures. An undisturbed stratigraphic context, dated by both associated ceramics and a C-14 series, indicates that the style is probably a phenomenon of the Late Preclassic period (ca. 500 B.C. to A.D. 100).

Of the many canal systems of the Chimu empire the Chicama-Moche Intervalley (La Cumbre) Canal connecting the Chicama and Moche valleys represents the highest level of technical achievement. This paper examines the engineering skills of the Chimu as revealed by computer analysis of the open channel flow design techniques they utilized. Analysis of agricultural strategies made possible by this canal and the surveying skills inherent to its use are examined in detail. The presence of many trial canal paths toward the distal end of the canal indicate extreme difficulty in overcoming tectonically induced ground-slope changes caused by fault lines near the intervalley divide. The canal was abandoned prior to completion of construction and thus never served to supply the Moche Valley with Chicama water.

Excavations undertaken during 1978 and 1979 at Nohmul, Belize are believed to cast new light on the demise of the Maya. Investigations revealed Terminal Classic-San Jose V material intermixed with Late Classic to Early Postclassic Yucatec material in a single-unit refuse deposit. More importantly, striking architectural similarities exist between structures at Nohmul and Chichen-Itza; Structure 20 at Nohmul proved to be of the “patio-quad” type known previously only from Chichen-Itza, and Structure 9 of Nohmul may be put forth as a “Caracol” (Chichen-Itza Structure 3C15) counterpart. On the basis of excavations at Nohmul, it is implied that there is an association between Toltec Chichen-Itza (Sotuta) and the Terminal Classic periods to the south (San Jose V-Tepeu 3), in that the two are overlapping, if not coeval. Should this be the case, new alternatives relating to the Maya collapse must be considered.

Ethnoarchaeological research has made valuable contributions towards our understanding of the functional variation of specific artifacts and features. The use of spiked vessel-forms among modern Maya groups, as well as the depictions of spiked vessels in the surviving Maya codices, suggest that spiked vessels have served a relatively wider range of functions (although invariably in a ritual context) than most Mesoamericanists have suspected. A critical review of the spiked vessel phenomenon, using the codices, the archaeological literature, and recent ethnographic data is presented as a guide for future archaeological interpretation.

Archaeologists and resource managers have recognized many different forms of site significance. While much recent discussion has focused upon research of scientific significance, other concepts, such as ethnic significance, have received little attention or have been avoided altogether. Here, the concept of ethnic significance is discussed, an example from the Navajo is presented, and some of the broader implications of the concept are considered.

Recently, Hamblin and Pitcher (1980) have attempted to buttress the class conflict explanation of the Classic Maya collapse using a series of mathematical models. However, despite the exceptionally good agreement between these mathematical relations and the empirical data, the same cannot be said for the fit between the conceptual and mathematical models. The relations employed are very general, so much so as to often be isomorphic with very different processes. In one case at least, the same model appears to be consistent with several entirely distinct explanations of the collapse, and other mathematical readings of the monument data are by no means precluded. While these particular mathematical relationships fail to make a very strong case that the Classic Maya collapse was engendered primarily through peasant revolt and class conflict, which was very possibly Hamblin's and Pitcher's underlying aim, the attempt to cast explanations of the collapse into mathematical form points the way for the next generation of collapse models.

Weather-stranded Norse explorer-refugees are reported in the medieval Icelandic Landnámabók to have dug into an archaeological site in eastern Greenland about A.D. 981. Enough details are given to suggest that they investigated a Dorset Culture site. This 1,000-year-old account must be the oldest known archaeological report for the New World.

Exception is taken to two statements in Cordell's review. Eight out of seventeen titles dealing with hunters and gatherers in the case study group might not be considered “overkill” in view of the fact that so many of the world's cultures were and are those of hunters and gatherers. Secondly, the detail and the occasional imperfection in Frison's Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains does not detract from its substantial utility.