Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
When I first began my researches into later Stuart history as a graduate student back in 1980, the Restoration was a relatively underdeveloped field of inquiry. Although there were a number of scholars producing excellent work in this area, there was not the same depth of scholarship as characterized study of the first half of the seventeenth century: wide gaps in our knowledge existed, and for some of the most crucial episodes of the period we were dependent upon a limited range of studies and dated works. The best general entrée into the period was still David Ogg's classic two-volume England in the Reign of Charles II, first published in 1934! A suitable modern textbook did not emerge until 1978, with the publication of J. R. Jones's County and Court: England 1658–1714, a book that had neither Ogg's range nor lively analytical style. For our understanding of why the monarchy was restored we were reliant upon a study that had come out in 1955, which was supplemented only in 1980 by Austin Woolrych's book-length “Historical Introduction” to volume seven of the Yale edition of the Complete Prose Works of John Milton. On the Exclusion Crisis we had J. R. Jones's The First Whigs, which had appeared in 1961, although for the first Tories we still needed to use Sir Keith Feiling's 1924 History of the Tory Party. For the Glorious Revolution we had a book written by a man who tragically died (at a young age) before he could complete the work, and another self-consciously thought-provoking work designed to raise questions and suggest future avenues of research—both excellent studies in their own right, but hardly the plethora of monographs that we possessed for the mid-century revolution.
I would like to thank Mark Goldie, Dick Greaves, and Mike Moore for their comments and criticisms on earlier drafts of this article. I also am indebted to the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation for the award of a fellowship for the academic year 1996–97, during which time this article was conceived and written.
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35 Jones, , Charles I, p. 1Google Scholar. An emphasis on discontinuity looks like it is being revived with a vengeance. The question of what was new about the Restoration was the theme of a lively conference organized by Alan Houston and Steven Pincus at the Huntington Library in November 1996, under the title of A Nation Transformed? Its proceedings are to be published shortly.
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56 In a literal sense, this charge was accurate. For the argument that Calvinist resistance theory owed little to Calvinism and much to Catholic intellectual traditions—Conciliarist and Jesuit—see Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar.
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62 Ibid., no. 242, 16 November 1682.
63 Ibid., no. 240, 13 November 1682.
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72 In London Crowds I made extensive use of the political poems of the period. Researchers should not rely on the published edition of Poems on Affairs of State by Yale University Press, because the editors made the unfortunate decision to include only those poems with some claim to literary merit; many of the most interesting poems, from a political point of view, were thereby excluded, for which we have to go back to the original manuscript collections (many of them are in the British Library, the Bodleian, and the Huntington).
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78 See Israel, Jonathan I., “The Dutch Role in the Glorious Revolution,” in Anglo-Dutch-Moment, pp. 105–62Google Scholar; Groenveld, Simon, “‘Jéquippe une flotte très considérable’: The Dutch Side of the Glorious Revolution,” in Revolutions of 1688, pp. 213–45Google Scholar; John Stoye, “Europe and the Revolutions of 1688,” in ibid., pp. 191–212; Haley, K. H. D., “The Dutch, the Invasion of England, and the Alliance of 1689,” in Revolution of 1688–1689, pp. 21–34Google Scholar; John C. Rule, “France Caught between Two Balances: The Dilemma of 1688,” in ibid., pp. 35–51; Pincus, “The English Debate over Universal Monarchy.”
79 Goldie, Mark, “The Political Thought of the Anglican Revolution,” in Revolutions of 1688, pp. 102–36Google Scholar.
80 For the armed forces roles in the revolution, see Childs, John, The Army, James II and the Glorious Revolution (London, 1980)Google Scholar and Davies, J. D., Gentlemen and Tarpaulins: The Officers and Men of the Restoration Navy (Oxford, 1991), ch. 11Google Scholar. The lieutenancy's response is discussed in Stater, Noble Government, ch. 6. For popular responses, see Harris, “London Crowds and the Revolution of 1688,” in By Force or By Default?, pp. 44–64; Gary S. De Krey, “Revolution Redivivus: 1688–1689 and the Radical Tradition in Seventeenth-Century London Politics,” in Revolution of 1688-1689, pp. 198–217.
81 Beddard, , “The Unexpected Whig Revolution of 1688,” in his Revolutions of 1688, pp. 11–101Google Scholar. See also his “The Dynastic Revolution of 1688,” which constitutes the introduction to his Kingdom Without a King: The Journal of the Provisional Government in the Revolution of 1688 (Oxford, 1988), pp. 9–65Google Scholar.
82 Beddard, , “Unexpected Whig Revolution,” p. 97Google Scholar.
83 Beddard, , “Dynastic Revolution,” p. 11Google Scholar.
84 For this argument, see Pincus, “The English Debate over Universal Monarchy.” Cf. [King, William], The State of the Protestants of Ireland Under the Late King James's Government (London, 1691), pp. 6–7Google Scholar.
85 Schwoerer, Declaration of Rights. Schwoerer has offered a restatement of her position without seeing the need to make any qualifications in the light of recent research in her “The Bill of Rights, 1689, Revisited,” in The World of William and Mary, pp. 42–58.
86 Speck, , Reluctant Revolutionaries, p. 141Google Scholar.
87 Goldie, Mark, “The Roots of True Whiggism, 1688–94,” History of Political Thought 1 (1980): 195–236Google Scholar.
88 Miller, John, “Crown, Parliament, and People,” in Liberty Secured?, pp. 81–83Google Scholar.
89 See Carter, Jennifer, “The Revolution and the Constitution,” in Britain After the Glorious Revolution, ed. Holmes, G. S. (London, 1969), pp. 39–58Google Scholar.
90 Various of the essays cited in note 72 above deal with these questions. In addition, see Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (London, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pincus, Steven C. A., The Glorious Revolution and the Origins of Liberalism (Cambridge, forthcoming)Google Scholar.
91 I am currently writing such a book under the title British Revolutions: The Emergence of the Modern State, 1660–1707 (Penguin, forthcoming).
92 See Harris, Tim, “The British Dimension and the Shaping of Political Identities during the Reign of Charles II,” in Chosen Peoples? Protestantism and National Identity, c. 1650–c. 1850, eds. Claydon, Tony and McBride, Ian (Cambridge, forthcoming)Google Scholar.
93 Cowan, Ian B., “The Reluctant Revolutionaries: Scotland in 1688,” in By Force or By Default?, p. 65Google Scholar; Donaldson, Gordon, Scotland: James V to James VII (Edinburgh, 1965), p. 383Google Scholar; Mitchison, Rosalind, Lordship to Patronage: Scotland 1603–1745 (London, 1983), p. 116Google Scholar.
94 Harris, Tim, “Reluctant Revolutionaries? The Scots and the Revolution of 1688–9,” in Politics and the Political Imagination in Later Stuart Britain, ed. Nenner, Howard (Rochester, N.Y., forth-coming)Google Scholar.
95 For a work that points to the value of pursuing a three-kingdoms approach into the late seventeenth century, see Ohlmeyer, Jane H., Civil War and the Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms: The Career of Randal MacDonell, Marquis of Antrim, 1609–1683 (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar. A superb general discussion is Barnard, Toby, “Scotland and Ireland in the later Stewart Monarchy,” in Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725, eds. Ellis, Steven G. and Barber, Sarah (London, 1995), pp. 250–75Google Scholar. Brown's, Keith M., Kingdom or Province? Scotland and the Regal Union, 1603–1715 (London, 1992)Google Scholar is an excellent survey that contains a useful bibliography. Goldie's, Mark “Divergence and Union: Scotland and England, 1660–1707,” in The British Problem, c. 1534–1707, eds. Bradshaw, Brendan and Morrill, John (Basingstoke, 1996), pp. 220–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar, has much to say about the logic of writing British history for the late seventeenth century, although it focuses on the period after 1689. For essays on Scotland and Ireland in the recent collections on the Glorious Revolution, see Cowan, , “Reluctant Revolutionaries,” in By Force or By Default?, pp. 65–81Google Scholar; Bruce P. Lenman, “The Scottish Nobility and the Revolution of 1688-1690,” and Kelly, Patrick, “Ireland and the Glorious Revolution: From Kingdom to Colony,” in Revolutions of 1688, pp. 137–62, 163–90Google Scholar; Ian B. Cowan, “Church and State Reformed? The Revolution of 1688-9 in Scotland,” and Hayton, D. W., “The Williamite Revolution in Ireland, 1688–91” in Anglo-Dutch Moment, pp. 163–83, 185–213Google Scholar; Karl S. Bottigheimer “The Glorious Revolution in Ireland,” and Lenman, Bruce P., “The Poverty of Political Theory in the Scottish Revolution of 1688–1690,” in Revolution of 1688–1689, pp. 234–43, 244–59Google Scholar. Two recent books dealing with nonconformists in Ireland are Kilroy, Phil, Protestant Dissent and Controversy in Ireland, 1660–1714 (Cork, 1996)Google Scholar; Greaves, Richard L., God's Other Children: Protestant Nonconformists and the Emergence of Denominational Churches in Ireland, 1660–1700 (Stanford, 1997)Google Scholar.