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An Advantage to Peculiarity? The Case of the Polish Commonwealth

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 October 2009

Gershon Hundert
Gershon Hundert
Affiliation:
Department of History, McGill University, Montreal, PQ, Canada, H3A 2T7
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Extract

The investigation of the history of the Jews in the Polish Commonwealth requires not only research on specific topics but broader reflection as well. The special place and role of the Jews in Polish society and the distinguishing characteristics of the Jewish experience in Poland need to be rescued from unwarranted generalizations which may result in misrepresentation. 1 On the broadest level, this essay is an initial step in the direction of the development of a conceptual framework for the study of this subject. The particular concern will be to compare some aspects of the experience of the Jews with that of some of the other non-Polish nonautochthonous groups in Poland from around 1500 to the beginning of the eighteenth century.

Type
Research Article
Information
AJS Review , Volume 6 , April 1981 , pp. 21 - 38
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Jewish Studies 1981

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References

1. A remarkable piece of work of this type is Eitzen, Stanley, “Two Minorities: The Jews of Poland and the Chinese of the Philippines,” Majority and Minority: The Dynamics of Racial and Ethnic Relations, ed. Yetman, Norman and Steele, C. Hoy (Boston, 1971), pp. 117–138. Mr. Eitzen treats the situation of the Jews in Poland from the tenth century to 1963 as if the conditions in which the Jews lived did not change. Reading his article set me to writing mine.Google Scholar

2. On the Jews in Poland during this period the standard works are: Baron, S. W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 2d ed., 17 vols. to date (New York and Philadelphia, 1952– ), vol. 16Google Scholar; Ben-Sasson, H. H., Hagul ve-hanhagah (Jerusalem, 1959);Google ScholarHalpern, Israel, ed., Beit Yisra′el be-Polin, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1948, 1953)Google Scholar; Katz, Jacob, Masoret u-mashber (Jerusalem, 1958)Google Scholar; Mahler, Raphael, Toledot ha-Yehudim be-Polin (Merhavia, Palestine, 1946)Google Scholar; Weinryb, Bernard, The Jews of Poland (Philadelphia, 1973)Google Scholar. On the Italians in Poland see: Tomkowicz, Stanislaw, “Wtosy kupcy w Krakowie w 17 i 18 wieku,” Rocznik Krakowski 3 (1900): 1–26;Google Scholar Herman Kellenbenz, “Le declin de Venise et les relations economiques de Venise avec les marches au nord des Alpes,” Aspetti e cause delta decadenza economica veneziana nel secolo XVII (Venice and Rome, 1961), pp. 107–183; Jan Ptasnik, Gli Italiani a Cracovia dal XVlo secolo al XVlIIo (Rome, 1909). On the Scots in Poland see especially A. F. Steuart, ed., Papers Relating to the Scots in Poland, 1576–1793, Publications of the Scottish Historical Society, Vol. 59 (Edinburgh, 1915). On the Armenians in Poland see Zakrzewska-Dubasowa, Miroslawa, Ormianie zamojscy i ich rola w wymianie handlowej i kulturalnej miedzy Polska a wschodem (Lublin, 1965) and the earlier literature cited there. For comparison between Armenians and Jews in Poland see Weinryb, s.v. “Armenians”Google Scholar; Goldberg, Jacob, “Poles and Jews in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Rejection or Acceptance,” Jahrbiicher fur Ceschichte Osteuropas, Neue Folge 22 (1974): 251;Google Scholar and the sixteen page pamphlet by Streit, Leon, Ormianie a Zydzi w Slanislawowie w XVII i XVIII wieku (Stanislawow, 1936).Google Scholar

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19. As a general principle this has been restated most recently by Baron, Salo in his survey of “Changing Patterns of Antisemitism,” Jewish Social Studies 37 (1976): 15.Google Scholar

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24. Weinryb, B. D., “The Jews of Poland and Lithuania and Their Relations with Breslau in the Sixteenth–Nineteenth Centuries” [Hebrew], Tarbiz 9 (1938): 72Google Scholar. Compare also Brilling, Bernhard, “Jiidische Messgaste und Marktbesucher in Breslau im 17. Jahrhundert,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft fur jiidische Familienforschung 6 (1930): 315–18; 7 (1931): 364–72, 413–19; 8 (1932): 506–9, 517–39; 11 (1935–1936): 678–84, 711–12.Google Scholar

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28. Jerusalem, CAHJP, PL 96 (Original), dated 1699. And see Freudenthal, Max, Leipziger Messgdste, Die jiidischen Besucher der Leipziger Messen in den Jahren 1675 bis 1764 (Frankfurt, 1928), p. 151.Google Scholar

29. Wolariski, , Zwiazki, p. 248. In Cracow, Achler had frequent dealings with Lewek Markowicz. APMK, Ada Palalinalia ludaica, Varia 10, pp. 2627–31, 2707–8. (CAHJP, HM 6730). See also Balaban, Historja, 1: 278.Google Scholar

30. APM, K, Acta Palalinalia ludaica, Varia 11, pp. 36–37, 47–48. And see also the notices of the activities of Jews from Cracow in Frankfurt during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Here again they seem to have had frequent dealings with non-Jewish merchants. Lerner, Franz, “Die Reichsstadt Frankfurt und ihre Messen im Verhaltnis zu Ost- und Sudosteuropa im Zeitraum von 1480 bis 1630,” Der Aussenhandel Ostmitteleuropas 1450–1650, ed. Bog, lngomar (Koln, 1971), pp. 162, 170, 174, 175.Google Scholar

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32. The total value of the goods was 5009 1/3 Imperial Talars. Ibid, pp. 94–103.

33. Simeon ben David Auerbach (d. 1632) was ′av beit din in a number of Polish communities including Lublin (1579–1585) and Poznaii (1625–1629) before assuming that office in Vienna, and later, , Prague, Halpern, Israel, ed., Pinqas va′ad ′arbd ′arasot (Jerusalem, 1945), no. 76, p. 24Google Scholar. Similarly, Aaron Simeon Shpira (1599–1680) who was born in Prague, was rabbi in Frankfurt, Lwow, Lublin, Cracow, and Vienna before returning to the city of his birth. Compare, Balaban, Hislorja 1: 193–94, 276, 290; Louis Lewin, “Judische Briefe aus dem Jahre 1588,” Jahrbuch fur judische Geschichte und Literatur 30 (1937), esp. p. 185; Bloom, Herbert, The Economic Activities of the Jews in Amsterdam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Williamsport, Penn., 1937), index, s.v. “Poland.”Google Scholar

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50. See Shmeruk, Khone, “Contacts between Polish and Yiddish Literature: The Story of Esterka and King Casimir of Poland” [Hebrew], Hasifrut 21 (1975): 60–100.Google Scholar

51. Weinryb, , The Jews of Poland, pp. 156–76.Google Scholar

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55. WAPL, Ks. m. Opola 9, 147, 178–79; Ks. m. Lubartowa 2, 329.

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61. WAPL, Ks. m. Opola 9, 184, 231, 307.

62. See above n. 53, and see Hundert, , “Security and Dependence,” pp. 14–23.Google Scholar

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65. Luslracja wojewodztwa ruskiego 1661–1665, pt. 1, ed. Arlamowski, Kazimierz et al. (Wroclaw, 1974), pp. 146–47.Google Scholar

66. Balaban, , Historja, 2:235–37.Google Scholar

67. Koidonover, Zevi Hirsch ben Aaron Samuel, Qav ha-yashar (Frankfurt, 1705), chap. 76, p. 159b, chap. 82, pp. 170b–71a.Google Scholar

68. See Rosenthal, J. M., “Jacob of Belzyce and His Polemical Book” [Hebrew], Gal-Ed 1 (1973): 13–30;Google ScholarWaysblum, M., “Isaac of Troki and the Christian Controversy in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Jewish Studies 3 (1952): 62–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69. The absence of Polish messianic movements ought to be the subject of a special study. If Sabbatianism had had a significant impact on the largest community in the diaspora, there would almost certainly be more evidence than the few sources cited and disputed by Weinryb, The Jews, pp. 220–35. Jacob Frank's inspiration came in Salonica. In any case there is serious doubt as to whether Frankism ought to be seen as a messianic movement or as a group of “anarchist” cells with charismatic leadership born in the social and religious turmoil of the period of transition between medieval and modern times. If messianic movements are an index of “sojourning,” the absence of such movements among the Jews of the Polish Commonwealth is still another indication that they did not see themselves as sojourners. For now, see the remarks of Gerson Cohen on Ashkenazic Jews in general in his “Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim,” Leo Baeck Memorial Lecture 9 (New York, 1967).Google Scholar