The theory of social comparison as proposed by Festinger (1954) states that people seek to compare themselves to others to obtain accurate information about themselves. For example, when a person is uncertain about an aspect of themselves, e.g. their intelligence, social comparisons with similar others might be used for the purposes of self assessment. In contrast, social comparisons may serve a hedonic or pleasurable purpose as when a person makes, for instance, a downward social comparison (Wills, 1981). Such hedonic comparisons may help maintain a positive view of the self (Kunda, 1990; Woods, 1989). We suggest that, in general, the purpose of comparison is to support and develop the coherence of the self (cf. Conway, Singer, and Tagini, 2004). That is, comparisons provide information that further the integrity of the self and its effectiveness in operating on the world – especially the social world. In this view, one of the key effects of comparisons is motivational, where they drive the individual to generate new goals and pursue new lines of action. Within this general “self-coherence/motivational” view of social comparison, a greatly overlooked source of comparisons are those that arise from comparisons of the current self with past (remembered) selves and with future (imagined) selves. Indeed, autobiographical memory – memories of the events and facts of our lives – has been viewed as a major part of the self-system, a part that grounds the current self in a remembered reality and in so doing constrains the universe of plausible possible selves and, consequently, the range of possible self comparisons (Conway and Pleydell-Pearce, 2000).