Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of tables, figures and boxes
- List of abbreviations
- About the author
- Acknowledgements
- one Introduction
- two The global economic and social policy context
- three The development of the SPF Recommendation
- four The SPF, social dialogue and tripartite global governance in practice
- five The SPF and the struggle for global social policy synergy
- six Implications for understanding global social policy change
- seven Reflections and prospects
- Endnotes
- References
- Index
six - Implications for understanding global social policy change
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 February 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of tables, figures and boxes
- List of abbreviations
- About the author
- Acknowledgements
- one Introduction
- two The global economic and social policy context
- three The development of the SPF Recommendation
- four The SPF, social dialogue and tripartite global governance in practice
- five The SPF and the struggle for global social policy synergy
- six Implications for understanding global social policy change
- seven Reflections and prospects
- Endnotes
- References
- Index
Summary
Recapitulation and explanation
At the outset of the book it was suggested that the decision by the ILO to agree a Recommendation on SPFs required explanation. There were indeed several aspects of the development of the policy on SPFs that demanded an explanation. An earlier attempt by the UK's Gordon Brown in 2000 to get the UN to agree to a set of universal social policy principles was unacceptable to much of the Global South. What shifted in the global political context between 2000 and 2012 to overcome, in effect, the objection of many in the Global South to a set of global social policy principles perceived earlier as emerging from and reflecting only the interests of the Global North? Furthermore, these new principles for an SPF for all residents and children of all countries went far beyond the traditional concern of the ILO to fashion standards only for the 20% of the world's population; workers covered by contributory social security systems. Why especially given that the ILO governance arrangements still give a large say to organised trade unionists? Who had influence inside the ILO and how was it used in order to win the institution over to promulgating the SPF Recommendation for all residents? Moreover, how did such a policy become endorsed by the UN normally resistant to acting as one and by the G20 not hitherto known for its concern with social protection? The World Bank's endorsement of the SPF also needed explaining given the history of ILO–World Bank contestation on issues of social protection. Finally, the willingness of the ILO and the World Bank to jointly chair a new SPIAC-B would need explaining against the backcloth of ILO–World Bank antagonisms. Who were the players and what were the means by which to some extent the ILO did succeed in generating greater policy synergy between international organisations in the UN around the concept of the ‘SPF’?
Each of the foregoing chapters has addressed aspects of these questions. Chapter Two suggested that answers to some of the questions would be found before the issue of the SPF became an agenda item within the ILO.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Global Social Policy in the MakingThe Foundations of the Social Protection Floor, pp. 141 - 156Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2013