Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Introduction
- Notes on text and translation
- Chronology
- Biographical notes
- Bibliographical note
- 1 General Separation between Opinions and Desires
- 2 Summary Appraisal of the General Character of Modern History
- 3 Plan of the Scientific Work Necessary for the Reorganization of Society
- 4 Philosophical Considerations on the Sciences and Scientists
- 5 Considerations on the Spiritual Power
- 6 Examination of Broussais's Treatise on Irritation
- Index of names
- Index of subjects
- More titles in the Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought series
1 - General Separation between Opinions and Desires
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Introduction
- Notes on text and translation
- Chronology
- Biographical notes
- Bibliographical note
- 1 General Separation between Opinions and Desires
- 2 Summary Appraisal of the General Character of Modern History
- 3 Plan of the Scientific Work Necessary for the Reorganization of Society
- 4 Philosophical Considerations on the Sciences and Scientists
- 5 Considerations on the Spiritual Power
- 6 Examination of Broussais's Treatise on Irritation
- Index of names
- Index of subjects
- More titles in the Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought series
Summary
Rulers would like us to accept the maxim that in politics they alone are capable of clearsightedness, and that it is therefore for them alone to have an opinion on this subject. They certainly have their reasons for speaking thus, and the ruled have exactly the same reasons for refusing to accept this principle, which in fact, considered in itself and without the prejudices of either ruler or ruled, is indeed totally absurd. For, on the contrary, rulers – even if we suppose them to be upright – are by their position the most incapable of forming a just and elevated opinion on general politics; since the more one is immersed in practice, the less one is able to have a clear view of theory. A necessary condition for a publicist who wants to form broad political ideas is strictly to abstain from any public office or employment: for how could he be at the same time actor and spectator?
But in this regard men have gone from one extreme to the other. In combating the rulers' ridiculous pretension to exclusive political wisdom they have engendered in the ruled the prejudice – no less ridiculous, though less dangerous – that any man is capable, by instinct alone, of forming a just opinion of the political system, and each of us has asserted the duty to set himself up as a legislator.
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- Information
- Comte: Early Political Writings , pp. 1 - 4Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1998